---

With Press Chief Otto Dietrich behind me to my left, and Goebbels to my right, speaking to the Düsseldorf Industrialists Club in 1932.

*** Site down for 40 minutes — jew hackers

***

Despite communist rumors about me being in the pocket of Big Business, the Fat Cats in Germany had NOT donated a dime to our party until my speech.

They just watched passively and idiotically as, during the misery of the Great Depression (caused by American Jews on Wall Street), the lethal, psychopathic Communist Party of Germany grew and grew and grew.

And yet they KNEW this from what the Soviets did right next door to Germany in the USSR — that the marxists, if they got power in Berlin, would some day seize their factories too.  They would appoint some bolshevik jew to replace them, run the place with brutal methods the same Soviet way, and arrest them in their black leather jackets at 3 a.m.

Then Marxist Jew commissars would shoot them also as “capitalist blood-suckers” right in the back of the head.

Torturing and killing unarmed people is the true motive of all communists!

Nor did these industry moneybags give vast sums to us even AFTER this speech. 😉

So Anthony Sutton’s book on how the rich financed me was one Big Lie after another.

Even billionaire Henry Ford, burned out with people, kept his wallet shut!!!!

To the very end of our struggle for power 1919-33, the NSDAP was financed by party membership dues from the little people, around $20 a month in today’s money.

Comrades would literally go hungry to pay their dues while these fatcats drank champagne, sat and criticized us.

“Why does this Hitler call his party ‘socialist’? Why does he have to use a red flag like the communists? Why doesn’t he try to get along with the Jews?”

(Sure, try to “get along” with people who hate and plan to kill us … 😉 )

 

When people see my speeches 90 years later where I praised “the German farmer and German worker,” they think I am just sucking up to this important voter base. 😉

No, I was responding to the fact, which we in the NSDAP all experienced day-in and day-out for years, that the little people were far more heroic, brave, self-sacrificing, humble and active on the street, standing up to the violent Antifa communists, than the other classes were.

05:26-36

.

How many of them lost their jobs for joining and being active in our party! Remember, this was during the Great Depression — when jobs were so scarce and workers had no savings to fall back on, either.

Happiness is when good men look at you like this. 🙂 How can you let them down?

But too many middle class and rich Germans piped down, intimidated by Reds and jews, and said and did nothing for us out of fear of being “cancelled.”

I will never, ever trash Jesus, and partly it is because He too loved the common people, and found the same reaction as I did.

The little people may not have gone to college and or owned a big car. But they often have a beautiful heart, big muscles, and the willingness to roll up their sleeves, get their hands dirty, sweat, toil, fight and suffer —  to make a better world for future generations.

As I read this book by Dietrich, I felt a feverish excitement like in the old days. 🙂

How I loved speaking 4-5 times a day, traveling, meeting people, organizing events, and opening hearts.

I was and am a “People Person,” not a writer. Since 2005 I have written and written, and hated every minute of it, because what we really need is ACTION! And now the time for great deeds is ripe! 

Look at this story below with Dr. Das….

Believe me, the word of mouth on this and other JEW VACCINE atrocities is getting around!

A new age of antisemitism, more fierce than ever, is at hand. For the masses will know through me that the jews are holocausting millions of us with this death jab  right now.

 

……Vaccinated medical doctor and pilot swoons from clot-shot in mid-flight, crashes and dies! VIDEO

 

***

Dedicated to the Heroes of the Movement,

WITH HITLER ON THE ROAD TO POWER

BY OTTO DIETRICH

Personal Experiences with my Leader

[Internet source: https://archive.org/details/WithHitlerOnTheRoadToPower/page/n21/mode/2up; this is a scan and, sorry, there are some typoes.]

LONDON:
69, Fitzjohn’s Avenue,
Hampstead, n.w,

First Impression, Jum, 1934.
Second Impression, July, 1934.

Printed in Great Britain by H. F. Lucas & Co.,
151, North Road, Southend-on-Sea^ Essex,

THE LIBRARY
THE UNIVERSITY
OF TEXAS

Contents

Introduction

The Power of Personality – – –

The Struggle of the Heroic World Idea

Towards Decision

Master of the Diplomatic Field

Industrial Magnates at the Cross-Roads

From Munich to Berlin

Adolf Hitler’s Greatest Hour

In Flight Over Germany –

The New Life – – – –

A Daring Flight in a Storm

Our First Night Flight

The Masurian Revelation – – –

How We Conquered Mecklenburg –

The Fall of Brüning

A Memorable Night

Versatility on the Battlefield

The Thirteenth of August

The House on the Hill – – –

Our Movement Proves its Mettle –

The Youth Under the Hooked Cross

Interlude _ _ . –

In the Kaiserhof _ . –

How Our Leader Dictates

Where is Hitler ? . . –

The Last Man –

Interlude in Cologne

The Turn of the Tide Begins in Lippe

How the Movement Pierced the Barriers to the State

State and Party – – – –

The Artistic Side of Adolf Hitler’s Nature

Nationalisation – – – –

853158

BOUND

Introduction.

These pages shall comprise no biography of Adolf Hitler, no des-
cription of his political activity during the last years, but they shall
recount decisive days of struggle and great moments, in a series of
fragments from personal reminiscences, which the author has been
privileged to experience with his Leader during the last years until the
attainment of power.

I shall describe the historical course of events as I have personally
seen and felt them.

The reader may form for himself a conclusive picture of Adolf
Hitler’s personality from the individual scenes of this struggle, comparable to that of Faust, of this fantastically modern way of work
of this truly heroic struggle for the triumphal advance of the National
Revolution.

Probably these scenes reveal to some readers not only the man Adolf Hitler, but also the secret of his success.

THE LIBRARY of
THE UNIVERSITY
OF TEXAS

CHAPTER I

The Power of Personality.

If wonders occurred in the life of nations, then the German Nation
would be justified in claiming the happy change of its Fate as a super-
natural decree of Providence. The deep fundamental change of
both the moral attitude and outward appearance of our nation, which
the National Socialist Revolution has brought about by bold attack,
is of immense, scarcely conceivable impressibility even for those who
have fought in the thickest fray of this gigantic struggle. There has been such an impressive and astounding alteration of Germany’s inner
and outer appearance, that the impartial observer cannot yet regard
it, even to-day, as a natural event. But the facts are stronger than man’s inadequate power of conception, and Time cannot be delayed by
the ideas of yesterday.

The “Drittes Reich” stands firm. It rests on its foundations, on
the immortal values of the Nordic Race, and in the depth of Germany’s
soul.

Naturally rooted in German spirit and character, built up and
formed by the living powers of personality, it is the child and creation of the German people, incarnating their own will and spirit.

Construction and completion is the future task of the generation which
undertook this enterprise, and shall be the task of those generations
chosen to achieve it.

If we to-day, standing in the midst of this work of construction —
the greatest ever undertaken by a nation — look back upon the pre-
viously trodden path, and mark the stages of our struggle, then we
need only a brief moment of recollection to draw, from the memory of the great time of our stmggle, new strength and new confidence for our future work.

World events and Nations’ fates are destined by ideas. But personality is their creator and constructor. Idea and personality, these are the two components, which have destined the creation of the New Germany.

Scarcely ever before have they appeared so clearly and purely as compounding elements and as characteristic expression of a nation, as in the National Socialist movement, in their gigantic
struggle for the reconstruction of the German Nation.

As all real grandeur is simple, so the National Socialist State-Idea is also one of those great, veracious, and monumentally simple ideas which make world history, because they re-introduce the very laws of
life into the consciousness of nations, and thereby display their powers
naturally.

But in politics, ideas, which remain in the realm of thought, are only schemes and become idols, if they are not elevated by the living power of personality and formed to the benefit of the nation and its life.

In the beginning was the deed. At the cradle of the Drittes Reich
stands the Power of Personality, embodied in Adolf Hitler. Its im-
portance for the accomplishment of the mighty work is outstanding,

1

2 WITH HITLER ON THE ROAD TO POWER

original, and unique. Certainly the present epoch is too closely
related to the immense happening of its days, to see it in world historic
perspective. We must leave the judgment of this question to history.
But for the renaissance of the German Nation— as we know to-day-
Adolf Hitler means everything.

His will was the law which created the foundation of the National
Socialist Movement of 13 years ago, from the first seven, who entered
the field to conquer the nation, up to the army of millions of to-day.

His spirit, alone directing and responsible, has waged this immense
struggle in every phase of the battle until the final victory. We call
Adolf Hitler our “LEADER,” because that is what he is. He united
State and Nation in Germany.

This truly German National State does not rest on outward appear-
ance or on bayonets; it is deeply rooted in German hearts. The
creator’s personality represents for the Nation the conception and
the contents of the new “Reich.”

Hitler is Germany and Germany is
Hitler. Germany is embodied in Adolf Hitler today, because she is
re-echoed in his personality.

Only the eye-witness, who has experienced day by day, at the side
of Adolf Hitler, the wave of love and enthusiasm which greets him
from every class of German, can realise that such ovations, so rare in
the life of statesmen, signify no artificial feeling, but genuine affection.

Adolf Hitler’s journeys— although, at his express request, everything is done to keep them secret from the public— are one long
triumphal procession.

Throughout the country, wherever he goes, the news of his presence and passage spreads like wildfire, by phone or by word of mouth. Hundreds, thousands throng the streets and roads, and surge towards his car. Young and old, men and women, with faces full of joyful enthusiasm, delight in seeing their leader, in shaking his hand, in being allowed to tell and speak of him.

Where has there ever been a ruler, a crowned head feted by so many people as Adolf Hitler.

Whoever has not witnessed these scenes simply cannot conceive
them. There is no outward show, no accomplished work, no preparation, no suggestion.

Impulsively they all follow their heart’s desire, moved by an inner, irresistible power. The scenes, which we witness day by day, are touching and heart-rending. They are not
isolated examples, but occur everywhere. Each time in different
form, with greater or with less emotion, but quite equally significant
in their result.

The people cling to their leader. They love him and trust him
completely, infinitely.

Adolf Hitler feels this unique, living bond with his people as the most glorious blessing of his life. He has
frequently expressed this feeling to me, and from it he always draws
fresh strength for the execution of his great work. Thus, an inexhaustible source of strength lies in this alternating effect of people and
leader.

I have often considered where the deepest secret of his personal
influence upon the people, upon the broad masses, lies.

From a purely external point of view and as a psychological question, I am
interested in this problem, which to-day occupies the minds of millions

THE POWER OF PERSONALITY

3

of Germans, because it has never previously appeared so pronouncedly and in such a singular form.

It is difficult to find an explanation within the scope of the intellect.
Who does not still remember the ridiculous arguments, maintained
during the struggle for power, by our opponents, who wanted to
convince their public that Adolf Hitler, the orator and demagogue,
influences and fascinates the masses ?

In the meanwhile, they will have
realised that Adolf Hitler does not persuade but convinces conclusively.
Not as orator, but as ” Man,” Adolf Hitler exercises that immense
impression upon all who come into contact with him.

I have questioned numerous personalities, closely attached to Adolf
Hitler, and asked their opinion as to where they see the determinant
feature of the effect of his personality — without receiving a satisfactory
reply.

Probably the explanation, given to me recently by the Reichs-
bank President, Schacht, as his personal opinion, is the nearest approach
to the truth:

Hitler speaks out his soul in every word he utters.

Hitler has faith in himself and in what he says ! Hitler possesses that
quality so rare to-day — he is true ! The people feel that he is true,
and that is why they cling so fast to him !

The last word upon Adolf Hitler’s personality shall ever remain
a mystery to us, who marvel anew, each day, at his truly ingenious
spirit. Whoever might believe that some prodigy or some decree of
Providence directs the way of the German people, may see these
supernatural powers prevalent in Adolf Hitler’s personality.

The God-favoured man goes his way, because he must. Here the phrase
that faith moves mountains is proved. The faith of Adolf Hitler
and the faith in Adolf Hitler.

Whatever may be the explanation of this mystery of Adolf Hitler’s
personality, and the faith in him, his tremendous popularity is a power
of immense strength in Germany to-day.

This is a power which is
original and without example in the government of nations. Neither
Emperor nor King, Despot nor Tyrant, rules over this new Germany
of discipline and authority: The “Drittes Reich ” is governed by the
Power of Personality.

CHAPTER II

The Struggle of the Heroic World Idea.

The history of the National Socialist Movement shall be handed
down to posterity as the epic of the resurrected German Nation. The
German Nation’s heroic world idea, extirpated by the spirit of Liberal-
ism and Intellectualism, devoured by the poison of Pacifism, crushed
by the murderous frenzy of Marxism, has been restored to life by the
heroic struggle of the N.S.D.A.P., more quickly and more valiantly,
more eventfuily and more fantastically than any myth could reflect it

On 9th November, 1918, the old Empire fell. In the midst of the
Nation’s greatest stmggle, after four years of unprecedented heroism
and enormous accomplishment, Germany had once again risen to the
occasion, not upon the acme of national, moral strength, but of actual
physical power. Then its own brothers, misled by strange ideas and
the Marxist rabble, stabbed it in the back. This national crime was
called “Revolution.”

Instead of a rudimentary, national rising, which could have reunited
the Nation’s entire strength for a fateful, national revolution of 70
million people, we experienced a shameful revolt of deserters.

Treachery was the heroism, and national mockery was the grandeur, ennobledby this revolution. This day of disgrace, which brands the Nation
with the stigma of treachery, has however, also provoked by the anomaly
of Its occurrence, the counter-forces to avenge the deeds of the past and
to form a new Germany.

Ninth of November, 1918 ! How many heroic German soldiers after
fighting for four years against all the powers of hell, in faith for a better
Germany, may then have thought like the soldier Adolf Hitler,— twice
seriously wounded— as he lay in the hospital of Pasewalk, burning
with painful indignation at the outbreak of the revolution?

In this hour of deepest shame, when thousands and thousands of German
soldiers, like Adolf Hitler, swore the silent oath to avenge the shame
one day, the German revolution was born— in irreconcilable hatred
against the Marxist traitors— and the spiritual seed was sown, from
which the “Drittes Reic ” of liberty and social justice has so brilliantly
arisen.

Probably many swore this oath, but one man acted. The indomit-
able heroism of the Nibelungen Nation was revived in Adolf Hitler, the
flame of heroism blazed forth once more. In the midst of the chaos of
the German downfall he began, in faithful devotion to his call and
only animated by glowing patriotism, the struggle for the soul of the
German people.

One year of struggle, every man at his post and dependent upon
himself. One year of search and discovery. Six men of the same
spirit, and animated by the same desire as Adolf Hitler, took the field
under his leadership at the end of 1919 to conquer the German Nation.

What a bold idea ! So men said at that time. What a prodigy, how

4

THE STRUGGLE OF THE HEROIC WORLD IDEA 5

was such an enterprise possible ? So men ask today. Adolf Hitler
has never asked, but has followed the voice of his conscience.

With indomitable will and unprecedented perseverance, which
no reverse can dishearten, this previously unknown man of the people,
with a few faithful adherents, dared to pierce the lines of the Marxist
terror.

He relies upon the suggestive power which lies in self-confidence. He prefers a healthy man to an intellectual weakling.

He knows that terror is not overcome by intellect, but by terror. He succeeds
in gaining the social confidence of the masses and in establishing a channel for their national longing.

The National Bavaria allowed the young movement to develop ill the delusive hope that it might make the movement serve the purpose of the blue and white reactionaries and separatists. The conquest of Red Coburg in October, 1922, the consecration of the first Standard of the S.A. in Munich on the first Party Day in January, 1923, the armed demonstration in Munich in May, 1923, and the amalgamation with the
” Deutscher Kampfbund ” in Nuremberg on 2nd September, 1923,
are milestones of this development.

1923: a year of decision. By a bold beginning, Hitler hoped to
incorporate the Bavaria of Premier Kahr  into the rise of Germany. But again it was treachery which crushed this heroic struggle.

On 9th December, 1923, a generation of young German heroes stood
fast to the oath of 9th November, 1918, wdth blood sacrifice. The
N.S.D.A.P. was broken up. Everything seemed lost. But this was only appearance. Fate had determined this way. Adolf Hitler was alive, and with him lived the movement.

But the riflevshots at the Feldherrnhalle in Munich,m were the reveille
for millions in the Reich, and these 16 dead were the first martyrs of the
revolution.

For the first time, after five years of inertia, amidst hopelessness and despair, the nation harkened, and felt the beat of the pulse of a new Germany, the growth of a new, natural will. The
inner rise of the Nation had begun.

The Nation’s heroic spirit, buried deeply beneath the debris of the downfall, was revived and began to stir powerfuly.

There were instances of faulty organisation committed by national epigones who had not consulted their leader during his confinement in Landsberg.

He knew that National Socialism, without its creator and the
unifying influence of his personality, would fail for want of ideas, of
will and of organisation.

Scarcely had Adolf Hitler been liberated from confinement— alittle before Christmas 1924— than he refounded his party out of amere
nothing. After years of brilliant ascent, and then sudden downfall,
he recommenced from the very beginning. What heroism, what un-
precedented faith in his mission ? ” If all are unfaithful, then we
still remain faithful,” Adolf Hitler has acted according to these words, as
on 27th February, 1925, he proclaimed the rebirth of the movement in
the ” Buergerbraukeller ” in Munich, where he had announced the coup
d’etat of 1923. His indomitable will of struggle refortified the firm
conviction of his old comrades. Heroic defiance, iron will, and blindly
faithful follovars, were tlic moral sources from w^hich the resurrected
movement gathered fresh strength, and from which the future struggle
was born.

6 WITH HITLER ON THE ROAD TO POWER

With Its renaissance the party had entered upon a new phase of
Its struggle Adolf Hitler proved himself a far-seeing tactician.

1 oo^ ar””^ consequences from the Fate and experiences of the
l^ul u\ political situation had fundamentally changed

Although the consolidation of inner political conditions was only
temporary, every illegal attempt seemed hopeless, and legal means
alone seemed to promise succeess.

Adolf Hitler was fully convinced that the seed of the world idea

ordfrtTTl ^’^”T”’ P^^P^g^nda, lasting for years, in

order to take root m the people and to mature in the Nation’s soul
isaturally, this change to parliamentary tactics signified in no way an
adoption of parliamentary principles. Those often misconstrued
prinaples, which brought about the movement’s later triumph so
conclusively and completely, stood firmly in Adolf Hitler’s mind
I f resolute, he entered upon the fresh, unceasingly grim stru^^le of
the following years-a struggle for his world idea-fought upon a
different field, but no less heroic than heretofore. This meant over-
commg democracy on its own ground and wdth its own weapon The
heroic struggle of character and dauntless profession of faith began.

Adolf Hitler was not permitted to speak in public. The party
lacked the most essential means. Its existence during the following
years-probably the most arduous of its life-was out long series of
persecutions, muzzling and trickery. Whoever admitted National
Socialism was banished from civil life, from the decadent bourgeoisie
and from the class-conscious workers. The mere suspicion of National
Socialism meant loss of employment and bread, boycott and ruin of
business mterests, the inevitable acceptance of misery

Hundreds, thousands were imprisoned by the November State

^^’iT^u^^^^ “”g^^ bloodshed and scenes of

Marxist terror. All the powers of hell were let loose against the
advancing young movement. The struggle grew ever griLier and
more relentless. The sword of Marxism slew hundreds ofThe best

w’i^ r!^!’^?^ ^'”‘^ ^^l”‘^” ^’^'””y ”’^^^ standard and
bore it to the furthest corner of the country. A roll of honour of the dead
heroes is he National Socialist Movement’s greatest force It is a
nSl 7 – attracted the German youth and millions of com-
patnots to join Its ranks. They felt that such a movement, forwhich
men can die like heroes, whose example all are prepared to follow
mcorporates the moral right to represent Germany.

Bloodshed and weeping, but also pride of battle, indomitable heroism
dnd glorious unselfishness, show the way pursued by the movement
durmg the years of its rise. In town and village, in the lodgings of
hntf r K ‘^^^’^r “”^ ^^^^^^^ts. in meetings and in the streets,
wn^H j ^a”^ “^’^^^ ^^^^^^^^ fought for the new

world Idea and strove for the ideal of National Socialism. The
church took up arms against the movement, and persecuted Germany’s
new fighters even to the grave, leaving them no spiritual peace. But
nie strugglers never wavered nothing could stem the tide of the move-

.^T O^c^ ^^^f’^””‘ ^’y^P^ ^^^^”^^^ 1^26, of Nuremberg 1927
and 1 }29, v. ere the general roll-calls which inspired tliis advance.

Ihc world does not yet know how the nation lias fought with heart
and soul for the movement during these years. Only fympathy ^d

IlIE STRUGGLE OF THE HEROIC WORLD IDEA 7

|)crsonal experience of this heroic struggle, of this ever fateful game of
rliance — a game of highest peril and of highest moral, spiritual feeling —
ran convey a true understanding. This shall be the eternal secret
and happy privilege of those who have fought through this hell. Only
I Ik: man who can measure the victory of to-day by unprecedented,
pi’i’sonal experience, may truly estimate the magnitude of the present
.u hievements. National Socialism’s dynamic will and its power as a
world idea, bore away the laurels from this titanic struggle of character

” Character forms Deed,” it is this movement, if any, w^hich has
justified this phrase. In the struggle, the German Nation’s character
was reborn. In these cruel years of struggle, the National Social-
ist Movement has exemplified the community of the nation. Idealism
of will and harmony of hearts united it into one great family, sharing
each other’s fate in misery and death ; one for all, all for one. Although
t raitors were not inactive in this heroic struggle, nothing could shake the
l^arty’s resolution. The song of faith and voluntary sacrifice swelled
iorth from the midst of the people.

These hellish years of struggle hardened the N.S.D.A.P., and
lorged its sword for the final battle. Despite the world of foes, Adolf
Hitler had brought the movement to where it stood at the end of 1932.

CHAPTER III

Towards Decision.

On 14th September. 1930, Fortune favoured the N.S.D.A.P. with
a great success for the first time in its unceasingly arduous struggle —
compensation and encouragement. Was it Destiny or Providence’s
decree, that this mighty election-triumph, which fell upon the ear of
the \yorld, occurred during a political epoch, signified as the era of
Briining ? To-day, if we give a retrospective reply to the question
of the much discussed N.S.D.A.P/s share in the government, then we
know that Briining too played a r61e in this game of the powers for
Germany’s national development. Although his motives were quite
different, Briining, from the very first, prevented the N.S.D.A.P.’s
premature participation in the government— of which Adolf Hitler
always sensibly disapproved.

Blinded by the idea of his political mission, Briining, after 14th
September. 1930. did not even ask the N.S.D.A.P. whether they would
accept a corresponding share in the government, not to mention in
the formation of the government. The German Nation has had to
pay dearly for this political experiment of disregarding the People’s
definite will. But the Bourgeoisie, which lacked all instinct and
thoughtlessly supported Bruning, desired nothing better. ” Whoever
the Gods wish to destroy, they first strike blind.” Though previously
heroic sacrifices had alone sufficed to rouse the politically narrow-
minded Bourgeoisie from Stresemann’s fatal vision of the dawn of a
brighter era, they promptly fell as fresh victims to the *’ Legend of
Bruning.”

They, disliking and hating every heroic line of thought, did not
base their judgment of each new German statesman on his accom-
plishments, but according to what extent he consented to their eternal,
futile talk of reconstruction and selfish, universal patriotism. They
saw in Briining — the former secretary of the Christian Trades Unions,
and incidentally the irreproachable Army-officer — the best representa-
tive of civic nationalism, the ”CIVIC DICTATOR,” who was to
avert civic bankruptcy by Article 48, because he promised an entire
reformation of Germany’s intolerable conditions. He PROMISED,
but that was all.

Despite the long-standing proof that a German future was incon-
ceivable without the National Socialist Movement, the supporters of
Briining ‘s system, in a kind of self-delusive frenzy, maintained to the
Public the illusion that the mighty National Socialist Movement was
only comparable with feverish fluctuations. Actually, the most petty
party-feeling, due to inner-political fear of National Socialism, secured
the position of the Chancellor of the Centre for two years, until further
Tpillions of Germans, cured of this mania, cast off the mantle of narrow-
mindetl emptiness, and joined the ranks of Adolf Hitler— until the
seed was mature for the harvest ol the ” Dritte Reich.”

8

TOWARDS DECISION

9

In the meanwhile, the leader pursued his course unswervingly.
The National Socialist Policy remained immovable: whilst the
Reichstag possessed no majority with the will to break radically away
from the previous methods of National humiliation and the policy of
slavery, the sole practical and promising policy was the work of the
nation’s renaissance to free the people from their moral declme, and
finally to unite them once more in a unanimous, German-conscious
state of mind. National Socialism’s first practical aim, and the assump-
tion for all further ambitions, was and has remained the triumph of the
German spirit over that National poison, MARXISM, and over its
train-bearers— civic, liberal, selfish cliques.

Thus, the accusation that the N.S.D.A.P. lacked the will to accomplish
positive and responsible work, was entirely groundless and misleading.
The party had already proved that it always possessed this will, pro-
vided that certain, indispensable circumstances were existent. After
the attainment of the absolute majority, our representative, Schwede,
was appointed Lord Mayor of Coburg. With the conquest of Coburg
at the end of 1929. our leader had introduced his plan of a policy of
demonstrations and gradual conquest, with the idea of gaining ground
in the Municipalities and in the Provinces, and thus obtaining one
stronghold after another, until the moment was ripe for the N.S.D.A.P.’s
storming of the Reich. In the year 1930, Thiiringen and Braunschweig
followed Coburg’s lead and elected Frick and Frantzen, who was later
succeeded by Klagges. Prussia was the next great goal» but this
was eclipsed by the development in the Reich.

At the end of the year 1931, the N.S.D.A.P. possessing firm leader-
ship and discipline, and strengthened by struggle and hardships,
represented the best political organisation in the world, with its 800,000
registered members and more than 10,000 local groups.

Despite all hostility, our leader had successfully increased the
movement to these dimensions. He was ready, when the expiration
of the Reich President’s term of office, at the beginning of 1932, gave
him his first real chance. After the past years of inaction, he was ready
to go over the top for the frontal attack against the existing system.
After twelve years of inconceivably laborious preparation, the
N.S.D.A.P. felt strong enough to knock at the door of power in the
Reich, and Adolf Hitler saw that at last the moment had come to dictate
the line of action to his opponents.

No member of the movement doubted the difficulty of the straggle.
The opponents knew what was at stake. It was only logical that they
should throw their whole body and soul into their last desperate stand
against the hated movement, before admitting defeat. Fully conscious
of the impending crisis, Adolf Hitler began the year 1932. ” Germany
is on the brink of adopting National Socialism. The worid is moving
towards a decision, such as occurs only once in a thousand years,” he
wrote, with instinctive foresight, in his New Year’s message.

CHAPTER IV

Master of the Diplomatic Field.

1932— -the year of fate for National Socialism— opened with a favour-
able omen. On 5th Januar}^ shortly after the political holidays, the
Government suddenly summoned Adolf Hitler to Berlin. By Briining’s
A^f f’^om Groener, Minister for Interior Affairs, requested

Adolf Hitler’s presence m Berlin, for a political conference on 6th
January. Hitler, the man persecuted and outlawed as the State’s
most deadly foe ! Nevertheless, rather strange proceedings, and a
startlmgly sudden change of attitude, which counselled precaution.

The reason was quite evident. Bruning’s unpopular emergency
measures and this dictatorship previously based exclusively on the
Reich President’s authority, were now faced with the Nation’s verdict.
The national parties would only re-elect Hindenburg, if Bruning’s
system fell. Briining was afraid to propose Marxistic assistance to the
Reich President. He feh the menace of this election.

As the danger approached, he realised that his game must be lost
sooner or later, if he did not possess the trump-card— the N.S.D.A.P.

In this desperate situation, he saw only two ways of crushing the

Brown Danger,” and reigning supreme: either, by an attempt to
dupe Adolt Hitler, with parliamentary diplomacy, through trifling
concessions, or— should Hitler see through his game— to blacken him
nithlessly m the public opinion by means of government propaganda.
By Press and Radio, he feh strong enough to steal the N.S.D.A.P.’s
election triumph. This was Bruning’s plan of campaign to settle
Hitler at any price. These tactics have always played an important
part in the later phases of the struggle against the N.S.D.A.P.

Hitler saw through them at once. He travelled to Berlin without
delay— not to fall into Bruning’s trap, but to parry this dangerous
thrust by a tactical counter-thrust, and last but not least, in the in-
terests of General Field-Marshal von Hindenburg. Refusal, without
the shield of public opinion, would have been equivalent to defeat.

Adolf Hitler entered the lists of diplomacy for the first time and
the leader and fighter of a thousand battles found his first oppor-
tunity to prove his mettle as a statesman.

He immediately rejected the proposals of Groener and Bruning—
mere prolongation of the Reich President’s term of ofiice by decree of
the Reichstag with a two-thirds majority, wherefore the N S D A P ‘s
consent was requested. Hitler pointed out that the debiting of the
General Field-Marshal, by the suggested procedure, exceeded his
legal powers, and thus could not be expected from him. Every attempt
at persuasion and all ridiculous concessions, failed; Hitler opposed
them all, declaring that the Reich President’s prestige demanded the
Nation s verdict.

Already during the discussions, the opponents’ press, probably
obeying orders, had begun to sow the seeds of disturbance. On

10

MASTER OF THE DIPLOMATIC FIELD 11

ihc other hand, the National Socialist Press— in exemplary obedience
i(» its leader— was silent, rather than cast upon its leader the shadow
*)1 disloyalty and indiscretion of conduct towards the Reich President,
involuntarily thrust into the limelight by Bruning’s coup to save his
own skin. .

Adolf Hitler now openly attacked Briining. His treatise, addressed
to the Reich President, clearly exposed the legislative weaknesses and
defects of Bruning’s action, and was a political masterpiece. It
plainly induced the Reich President himself to urge Briining to cease
his painfully unsuccessful endeavours. The hint was plain enough.
Hitler had thwarted Briining’s plans to outwit the National Socialist
Movement, and had forced his retreat. Hitler wrote two letters to
IJriining. When these were published, the German people could
review the situation in its true light. , ^ u

Heavily defeated, Briining now fled from the political battleheld.
Adolf Hitler had dealt him a blow, from which the dictator of the Centre
has never recovered, as his subsequent inglorious resignation has proved.
” Hitler’s shadow pursues Briining,” wrote the Press. In this seven-
days political duel, the musketeer of the world-war had shown that he
could also fight with the fine weapons of diplomacy.

It was a fundamentally false review of the situation, to thmk that
the rapprochement Hitler-Briining would cast great incertitude over
the winter’s political development. Adolf Hitler never had one
moment’s doubt that the German Nation’s future demanded the
crushing of the system exploited by Bruning. Only by struggle,
and not by agreement could this be done, especially as, at this time,
when Briining was negotiating with Hitler, the Prussian government
decreed the suppression of the AngriflP,” the tenth suppression of this
paper, and the N.S.D.A.P.’s Sportpalast demonstration was broken
up by Grzesinski.

CHAPTER V

Industrial Magnates at the Cross-roads.

Politics decide Fate 1 In his speeches, our leader has most
passionately defended the significance of this phrase, which is probably
the briefest expression of the N.S.D.A.P.’s struggle for its world idea.
Thus he has dethroned the November Democracy’s idol of ” Economic
Primacy.” Politics decide ! But economy is the nation’s breath of
life. Adolf Hitler has no less recognised the importance and signifi-
cance of this fact. The nation’s political vitality lay in deadly danger.
It therefore stands to reason that he could devote less attention to
economic problems than to the truly vital struggle for the revival of
the nation’s political will, without which there can be no economic
prosperity. This principle justifies the aim of his struggle. Un-
fortunately, economic circles did not recognise this striking fact— it
did not serve their purpose.

How radically erroneous and unjust was the charge of an anti-economic
attitude, so short-sightedly brought against our leader and his move-
ment ! For to-day, now that the hour has come for Adolf Hitler to
tackle every economic defect with such energy and with such success,
the injustice of this accusation is repentantly admitted everywhere.
But at that time, in the fiercest hour of battle, the magnates of economy
—save for some praiseworthy exceptions— refused to have faith in Hitler.
From the lofty heights of their ”realist policy,” the economic magnates
disdained him with pity as a dreaming idealist— a man of phantasy.
Strengthened by the protecting shield of a powerful empire, they had
taken over the helm of the ship of economy, but had thereby lost
every responsible, political line of thought. They had forgotten that
German economy had not conquered the world, but that the power of
the State had sown the seed for economy’s rich harvest. In the Novem-
ber Republic, they had committed the folly of basing economic life
upon the idea of accomplishment, of the value of individuality, and
thereby, in practice, upon personal authority. Politically, however,
they recanted this personal authority which they replaced by the prin-
ciple of vox populi “—democracy. And this, whilst the nation fought
for existence with flesh and blood.

Adolf Hitler, more than anybody else, had always considered the
value of indi\’iduality as the main factor of his thought and deed. He
soon reahsed that, besides striving to gain the support of the broad
masses, he must make every possible appeal to economic magnates
the firmest adherents to the old system. These magnates had in-
dividually accomplished much in past years. In the summer of
1931, in Munich, our leader suddenly decided to concentrate systema-
tically upon convincing the influential economic magnates, who
ruled the civic parties of the Centre. These prominent men formed
the main resistance, and Hitler thus hoped, step by step, to break away
from the existing system of government. Whoever had witnessed the

12

INDUSTRIAL MAGNATES AT THE CROSS-ROADS 13

great power of conviction, which Adolf Hitler himself exerted upon the
most resolute opponents, knew that this plan of undermining the old
system must mature into valuable success. Immediate action followed
this quick decision.

In the following months, our leader traversed Germany from end
to end in his Mercedes, holding private interviews with prominent
personalities. Any Rendez-Vous ” was chosen, either in Berlin
or in the Provinces, in the Hotel Kaiserhof or in some lonely forest-
glade.

Privacy was absolutely imperative, the Press must have no chance
of doing mischief. Success was the consequence. The pillars of
the government began to crumble. This seemed alarming, yet in-
discernible — incomprehensible. The ” Deutsche Volkspartci ” was
alienated from the government, the support of the *’ Wirtschaftspartei ”
could only be purchased by heavy sums of money. Adolf Hitler was
satisfied. But strong elements of economic opposition were still
prevalent, and these he attacked at the beginning of 1932.

The 27th January, 1932 will always remain a memorable day in the
history of the N.S.D.A.P. On this day, our leader succeeded in
piercing the armour of the W est German industrial magnates. On this
evening. Hitler achieved decisive success in the Industrial Club in
Diisseldorf.

Even to-day, I can picture this meeting of prominent men. We
came from Godesberg, and drove up to the Park Hotel, amidst the
hooting of the Marxists. The room was overcrowded. Huddled
together, sat the chief West German magnates. There were familiar
and unfamiliar faces. Men in the public eye, and those quiet, but no
less influential powers, who, moving behind the scenes, control the
fate of economy by the soft sounds issuing from their private offices —
men said to bear a ledger rather than a heart.

Joyful expectation brightened the faces of those already converted.
But the vast majority bore an air of superiority and cool reserve —
probably flattered that Hitler had approached them. Mere curiosity, and
general interest lured them to the meeting. They wanted to hear
Hitler speak. They had no intention of being converted ; they came
to criticise, seeking confirmation of their ovm infallible opinion.

Our leader received a chilly ovation; he spoke from a slightly raised,
projecting balustrade, his hands resting lightly upon the iron railing.
J sat, amongst the listeners, taking notes, and observing the effect of
his speech which lasted for over two hours. From world political
perspective and with cogent logic, our leader elucidated the relations
betw^een economy and politics, their reciprocal effect, and their results
in Germany. He explained the cause of the situation, and proposed
the only possible remedy.

The general impression upon this group of most impassive listeners
was astounding. After an hour, their chilly reserve gave way to in-
tense interest. Hitler spoke of the titanic struggle of his political
warriors, needy and persecuted, but making every sacrifice, even that of
life, for their nation. He contrasted the German youth’s unselfish
idealism, personified in National Socialism, and the noble character of
working-class followers, with the lack of comprehension, the materialism.

853158

14 WITH HITLER ON THE ROAD TO POWER

and the heavy guilt of the purely economically established Bourgeoisie.
He pricked their social conscience without causing offence.

They began to flush, fixed their gaze upon our Leader’s lips, and it
seemed as if their hearts were moved. He spoke to their very souls.
Faint, then thundering applause greeted Hitler at the conclusion of his
speech ; he had won a battle.

Fritz Thyssen, for long an ardent National Socialist, sounded
Briining’s death-knell, as he stated our creed of Liberations: only
National Socialism and its Leader’s spirit could save Germany from
her doom. The Jewish and Marxist Press lied boldly next day that
Hitler had feasted with the industrial magnates on champagne and
lobsters. Actually, a few minutes later, the night saw us on the road
again, bent on fresh work.

The effect upon the economists, as far as they deserved this name, was
great, and evident during the next hard months of struggle.

Next day, Hitler addressed with equal success the Crefeld Silk
magnates in Godesberg. Later the national club in Hamburg. Every-
where, the scene was the same. Our leader’s power of conviction,
and his indefatigable pioneer work successfully pierced the armour of
economy. His plan had succeeded. Although the fickle withdrew
after Briining’s next broadcasted speech, the ice had been broken.
The seed of National Socialism had found fertile soil in important and
influential circles of the old system. The clouds began to gather
round Briining.

CHAPTER VI

From Munich to Berlin.

No General has ever traversed a conquered land so frequently and
HO thoroughly as Adolf Hitler traversed Germany. He passed by
every road in the Reich and this was the way to the people’s hearts.

Thus did Hitler spend many a weary hour, many a sleepless night, en
route year in and year out, in all parts of Germany. In between
exhausting work, he never spared himself, travelling in stifling heat or
l)itter cold, amidst clouds of dust or deep snow, over good or bad roads.

How many times did Adolf Hider have to travel from Munich to
Berlin and back ! Is it strange that this route has become dearest
to his heart ? We may signify the advent of the motor as the death of
the Romance of the road,” compared with the time when the coach-
man used to blow his horn on his leisurely journey. In the time of
National Socialism, the German road has learned to know a new
romance ! We all prick up our ears, when, on our motor journeys,
Adolf Hitler tells of his campaign of the year 1923, when he had to travel
from Munich to Berlin, via Red Saxony which lay in open uproar.

Those were daring journeys, fraught with danger, through the very
strongholds of the Marxist potentates who were on the track of their
hated, sworn foe.

But Adolf Hitler fought his way through. The number-plate of
his car was smeared with oil and coated with dust — quite indiscernible.
With sternest resolution and revolver in hand, he, with his comrades
Graf and Weber, tore over the roads of the Soviet Centre of those days.

Red patrols stood at all cross-roads. Once the car was stopped.
Discovery meant the end of everything. But they did not recognise
Hitler. In this hour of greatest danger his principle— never to be
photographed — was best justified.

Another time in Leipzig a sentinel, with levelled rifle, stood in the
middle of the street. The order was given to stop ! What was to be
done ? Surrender under no circumstances ! Immediately, the
chauffeur turned down a narrow street. Shots rang out behind us.
We drove boldly through the old parts ot the city. We got away, but
did not breathe freely until we reached Hof over the Saxon border.

In the course of years, we had all become familiar with the customary
stopping-places on this route. There were certain favourite spots,
even special picnic places, where our leader would stop for relaxation
—in the “Frankische Jura,” or in the ” Fichtegelbirge,” in sorne fir-
wood outside Plauen or in some quiet forest inn on the outskirts of
Wittenberg.

Our leader knew every bend, every tree and every house on the
road from Munich to Berlin, which recalled a thousand reminiscences
to him. The road runs through Ingolstadt and Nuremberg, where our
leader liked to break his journey and continue through the magnificent
Franconian Country. Adolf Hitler drank in the unending succession

15

16 WITH HITLER ON THE ROAD TO POWER

of gentle slopes and valleys, of meadows and fields, the hannony of
landscape and cultivation, like sweet music.

On every journey, our leader felt anew that the Franconian Country
was the most German of all. Not without cause has he established the
scene of our Reich Party Day at Nuremberg, former free city of the
realm, home of the Mastersingers, and for long the intellectual centre
of the first realm,

Adolf Hitler would stop near Hilpolstein, between Nuremberg
and Bayreuth; on our left, by a lonely hill, strewn with crumbling
rocks and primeval driftblocks— an historic meeting place of the
early Germanistic epoch. How often did our leader walk up this hill,
to enjoy from the top the fine view of the old castle and of the whole
Franconian Country.

Iftime permitted, he used to spend the night in a pretty vale, through
which a little stream flows. Amidst the pleasant tranquillity of this
pastoral scene on the border of the Fichtelgebirge, and the mild air of
this quiet valley, our leader could sleep more soundly and more free
from care than almost anywhere else.

The road continues through Hof and Plauen, the N.S.D.A.P.’s
early centre in Saxony. On the way, there is a certain spot, which we
used to keep secret like all our haunts, and which we always revisited.
A lonely path branches oS the road; here lay our resting place, invisible
to everybody, though it lies close to the road.

We used to spread a cloth on the ground, and sit beneath the trees
to eat out simple breakfast— a slice of bread, an egg and a little fruit,
that is all our leader took. If it rained, we had our picnic in the car,
and resumed our journey after a short rest.

We drove through Zwickau, a rather memorable city for National
Socialism; for there, one of the first Hooked-Cross Flags was con-
secrated. Soon we came to Gobnitz, then Altenburg and finally to
Leipzig.

Here lay a modest home of the Luisenbund,” which had already
faithfully espoused the cause of National Socialism; if there was time
we used to make a brief stop for coffee.

We would increase our speed on the excellent roads of Saxony and
Brandenburg; soon we came to Potsdam, and shortly afterwards
reached our destination — Berlin.

The countless journeys between these two cities, with which Hitler’s
activity was most closely connected, may be a happy symbol of the
triumph over the unfortunate past memory of the Main Line. By
Hitler’s victory, an indissoluble link binds North and South.

If we have fixed in our minds the phrase, ” Berlin is the head and
Munich the heart of Germany,” then Adolf Hitler has undoubtedlv
provided that the New Germany has its head and its heart in the right
places.

CHAPTER VII

Adolf Hitler’s Greatest Hour.

National Socialism has been signified as the expression of the Nation’s
organised will, as the plain incarnation of will. And this is right, for
our movement was born from will-power, and has triumphed by strength
of will.

We National Socialists know that no really ^reat success can be
achieved without diligence and perseverance. But will is the most
rudimentary and most absolute element; will first awakens the struggle
for the creation of new life; will is the flaring beacon which first kindles
all energy of life, and sustains it. Will, which inflames the National
Socialist Movement, springs from the source of personality. The
movement was born from the will of one man, who moulded the in-
stinctive will of the home-coming warriors. One man’s will-power
succeeded in arousing this same will-power in a million hearts.

It is will-power which created our leaders. Iron will gave them the
strength to hold on to forlorn hope. This indomitable will is the
inexhaustible source of energy, from which our movement drew the
strength to fight for the ” Dritte Reich ” and the establishment of its
future. Will-power, personified in Adolf Hitler as its centrifugal
force, is the final secret of the success of the N.S.D.A.P.

In the course of the twelve election campaigns, during the year
1932, on which I was privileged to accompany our leader from the
first day to the last, I have realised by unexampled personal exper-
ience, the significance of this will as an irresistibly supreme and
dominating force, with all its capabilities. During these twelve
campaigns, in which Adolf Hitler challenged the old system to a fight to
the death, he relentlessly opposed the foe with the sword of the niove-
ment, and wore down the hostile front by his will, hard as steel, till he
forced them to capitulate.

No personal ambition spurred Adolf Hitler to the decision of standing
for the Reich Presidency at this stage of the struggle. The main
factors were solely consideration, compelled by circumstances, with re-
gard to the strategical position, psychological and inevitable obligations,
commanding the intervention of the best man— the towering figure
of the leader of the N.S.D.A.P.— into Briining’s game of chess as rival
to the General Field-Marshal. Adolf Hitler would have liked to avoid
rivalry against Hidenburg . He put off his acceptance of the candidature
until the last moment, but Briining’s flank attack from the left allowed
him no alternative.

The idea that Adolf Hitler had staked his all upon this, his first
bid for the Presidency, was inconclusive and arose from ignorance of
his far-seeing plans. Certainly our leader was desirous of victory,
once he had entered the field against Hindenburg, but he himself did not
expect it. ” Beat Hitler ! ” was the slogan of the Social Democratic
Partisans, now infavour of Hindenburg. I desire nothing more than

17

18 WITH HITLER ON THE ROAD TO POWER

to fight you ! ” our leader proudly admitted. ” You say: We hold
on at any cost ! I tell you : We shall overthrow you at all events ! ” he
cried, as he gave the signal for attack on 28th February in the Berlin
Sportspalast.

” The courageous and resolute fighter, willing to stake his all, can
never be beaten. What others consider a defeat, is really a thousand
times better than resistless resignation to Fate.” Thus, prior to the
election, and without expecting victory at the first attack, Adolf Hitler
characterised his ideas which gained immeasurable confidence in the
Nation’s heart. Hereby he really sacrificed his person for the cause.

If the first Reich Presidential Election has been called the Kunners-
dorf ” of the National Socialist Movement, then this is surely right
insomuch as our leader’s attitude, after this battle — which the public
considered as our defeat — alone determined the conclusion of the
entire campaign, and thereby the final triumph of our movement.
Adolf Hitler has never seemed greater to me than in that midnight hour
of the 13th March, in his office in the ” Brown House ” in Munich,
when, in face of defeat and the spirit of defeatism, he issued the battle
order to counter-attack instantly and with concentrated strength.

After publication of the first figures declaring the final results, deep
despondency seized those whose hopes were naturally fixed far too much
upon their own desires during the heat of battle. Already, there were
loud cries of abandoning the Reich Presidential Election Campaign as
hopeless, and, instead of bleeding to death in a second election campaign
cries of husbanding all strength for the later Prussian election, to con-
centrate upon this. Our leader had never worried, but stated with
satisfaction the immense advance of the N.S.D.A.P. fighting a lone
battle against the foe’s eleven united parties. He immediately realised
the danger, which threatened to assume vast dimensions, in the event of
a split in our own ranks over the continuation of the struggle.

At this moment, when the will of his followers threatened to waver
beneath the prodigious burden of the struggle, Adolf Hitler proved an
absolute leader, and his qualities of leadership increased to an unpre-
cedented magnitude. In this uneven struggle, he did not think of
himself, nor of his own personal defeat, but only of our movement, and
of the Nation’s future; he simply felt the inner call of duty to immediate,
decisive action.

It was midnight, and no time was to be lost. The extra editions lay
there before going to press. At this very moment, with the publication
of the figures of the election result, the public and our movement must
be told that Adolf Hitler was not beaten, but rather that he was raising
his fist with redoubled, iron will for a new blow against his foes.

Our leader rapidly dictated: *’We must resume attack immediately
and most ruthlessly. The National Socialist, recognising his foe,
does not relent till his victory is complete. I command you to begin
this instant the fight for the second election ! I know that you, my
comrades, have accomplished superhuman tasks during the past
weeks. Only to-day, there can be no pause for reflection. Previous
sacrifices only serve to prove further necessity for battle. The work
shall and must be increased, if necessary redoubled. Already this
evening, orders are being issued to our organisations for the continuation

ADOLF HITLER’S GREATEST HOUR 19

and reinforcement of the struggle. The first election campaign is
over, the second has begun to-day. I shall lead it 1 ”

Whoever witnessed this midnight scene, m the presence of a plamly
absolute, volcanic will, and beheld its dynamic effect upon us onlookers
and upon our movement, recognised its cause and effect m one direct
factor: in the power of personality, which thrust the prmciple of its
will upon our movement, and thereby assured us of the success so
vital for our further advance in the second Reich Presidential Election.

On that fateful night, 13th March, our leader surpassed even his own
great qualities ; that night, I beheld and recognised Adolf Hitler’s great-
est hour.

CHAPTER VIII

In Flight over Germany,

Nowhere, and at no epoch in world’s history, has any man personally
addressed so vast a number of his compatriots as Adolf Hitler. No
figure in German history can boast of having come into direct, personal
contact with so many Germans. No man can even compete with him.
In this epoch of world records, this great achievement can claim registra-
tion in the book of history.

In these last years, millions and millions could behold our leader
with their own eyes, and hear his voice with their own ears. Probably
the only true judge of this remarkable fact’s full importance in our vic-
tory, is the man who could recognise directly the immense value of our
leader’s personal contribution towards practical resuhs.

During these last years, I have attended hundreds of these mass-
meetings of our leader, and I have always witnessed and realised anew
the power, the depth and the effect of his masterly oratory, which
conquered even the most hardened hearts, opening their eyes, and
finally setting them on the road to the Union of Germany.

All who have seen Adolf Hitler fight ONCE, become fighters !
Much of the N.&.D.A.P.’s brilliant propaganda has been based upon
recognition of this simple truth. It was our unwritten law that, when-
ever possible, our leader’s occasional appearance ensured the greatest
success for propaganda and for increased support. Naturally, the
most modern means of communication and the latest technical achieve-
ments were just good enough for the vast schemes of propaganda,
brilliantly effected by Dr. Goebbels.

The new methods of propaganda, employed by the N.S.D.A.P.,
after 13th March, were previously quite unknown in politics. Adolf
Hitler, as always, took the helm and bore the main weight of the struggle.
Our leader had recognised the most modern aeroplane as the means
corresponding to his own indefatigable energy, and which offered the
possibility of utilising the supreme power of his personality in a way
never previously anticipated. Furthermore, the N.S.D.A.P. possessed
—in the S.A. in the S.S. and in the N.S.K.K. — an unique organisation
which spanned the whole of Germany, and which could alone guarantee
the technical perfection of our communications for that political cam-
paign, which was to maintain ceaseless activity during the following
weeks and months.

The leadership of the party was unimpaired by this incessant call
upon our leader’s services, occasioned by this fast and furious campaign.
This was due to Rudolf Hess, one of Hitler’s most intimate and oldest
comrades, a most reliable and skilful substitute for the leadership of
the party. In these years of rapidly changing situations, he acted as a
veritable pivot for our movement. He operated with extreme diligence
from Munich, and could reach our leader at any time and at any place for
conversation or for report. His activity during this struggle has been
invaluable.

20

IN FLIGHT OVER GERMANY

21

Already on 19th March, on the ” Reichsfuhrertagung ” (Reich
I A-ader Day) in Munich, we had received proof of the great psychological
cllccts of our leader’s courageous, resolute battle-cry. He had succeeded
III kindling the flame within our movement for new passion for battle,
lint the foe had wasted no time. Briining had decreed an ” Easter
rcace ” and had Hmited the second campaign to a bare week. Severing
muzzled the National Socialist Press with strictest suppression. Our
leader parried this thrust by a mighty counter-thrust ; he gave orders for
his Press to increase their editions four-fold to ten-fold during the next
ten days. The best pens in the National Socialist Press worked, to
announce the most tremendous campaign ever fought.

As the clock struck twelve on 3rd April— expiration of the Easter
l*cace — the first day of flight began with four successive mass-meetings
before 250,000 people in Saxony, and Germany lent ear to Adolf Hitler,
who thus foiled every ruse of his foes; and all their attempts to deviate
attention from him.

Hitler sweeping over Germany ! Who has not beheld in this
phrase, a phantastic, ineffaceable vision of superhuman activity,
combined with the most up-to-date methods of campaign ? What man
or woman, child or grey-beard, in Germany, has not read of this
campaign in the papers, and followed its course with tense interest ?

And yet, this propaganda possessed surprisingly limited resources.
The National Socialist Press, at that time still comparatively weak,
fought a lone battle; automatically suppressed, and thereby most
severely crippled, it struggled for bare life. Ruin faced many papers,
editorial resources were exhausted. No great press organisations or
agencies stood at our disposal. Within a few days, we niade up for this by
creating a centralised, telephonic system of information; our reports,
controlled by the Party’s Reich Press Institution, were coherent,
gripping, and in fighting trim.

Special reporters accompanied our leader. They wrote down their
reports in the plane or in the car, and handed them over— either on
landing, or en route, or at the meeting— to our Press Offices, established
in every district for immediate telephonic despatch. The National
Socialist editors and printing works were ready to work day and night.
Our rotary press poured forth editions by the million, whilst, outside
our publishing offices, queues of National Socialist Agents stood
ready to circulate them in every house and home.

Nobody could escape this tidal wave of propaganda. It appealed
to sporting instincts, and satisfied the masses’ desire for sensation, just
as it stirred political minds. Germany listened to Hitler for a week.
It was political propaganda which eclipsed even American methods.
By 10th April, votes for Adolf Hitler had again increased from 1 1,300,000
to 13,400,000.

By altogether five flights, Adolf Hitler thus conquered the Reich in
this critical year. He covered 50,000 kilometres by plane, and 25,000
kilometres by car. He addressed over ten million German com-
patriots in roughly two hundred meetings. If we include the numerous
minor federal elections of this year and the remaining party addresses,
about 15,000,000 Germanshad been able to hear our leader in person
during this critical year. A truly heroic achievement.

CHAPTER IX

The New Life.

Who has any doubt that the New Germany shall also develop a ne
German life ? A life, in which the member of the ” Dritte Reich
shall appear as quite a definite and strongly characterised type of man ?
A reformation of the general outer way of living must naturally ensue after
a fundamental inner transmutation, compelled in every branch of
life by the National Socialist Revolution. This reformation shall
create a type of German National Socialist, whom the whole world shall
regard as a man evidently distinct from the traditional, proverbial type of
German. This new German shall be characteristic of the “Dritte Reich.”

Adolf Hitler, as pioneer of a new epoch, represents the ideal form of
this new type of man; he has shown to us this ideal, and exemplified
It in Its most elevated form, by the practical example of his conduct
during our flights over Germany.

Adolf Hitler’s mode of life corresponds to his conceptions of life.
Seeing only his mission ahead, our leader is stern, unsparing towards
himself, and subordinates every personal need to his great task.

A truly Spartan mode of life, demanded from us by the events of
each day, and an entirely modern working plan, under exploitation of
the latest technical resources, enabled us to sustain physical, intellectual
and moral efforts which any man would have deemed superhuman in
the absence of our leader’s great, inspiring example. This measure of
work allows only young men endowed with powers of stamina and
resistance to surround Adolf Hitler.

Our leader abstains from alcohol, tobacco and meat, for no strange
theoretical reason, which he wants to enforce upon others, but simply
because this abstinence increases his zeal for work, and promotes his
ability.

Our leader’s day is governed by his work, and by the tasks which he
allots to himself. He enjoys no regular hours of sleep; always after
midnight, often at early morning dawn, but invariably only for a very
few hours, did he repose during his flights over Germany.

How was our day spent ?

Each man had his precise task.

Schaub, whom Hitler had not let leave his side since their confine-
ment m Landsberg, was responsible for our punctual awakening,
and sometimes he had to intervene personally. U we were drowsy and
failed to hear the first reveille, his strong, continual blows on the
door soon brought us to our full senses.

Our leader was first out of bed. He made his appearance after a
quarter of an hour. It was hard for us to dress, shave and get ready so
quickly, but any retardation was at the expense of breakfast.

First of all, our leader arranged the exact day’s programme,according
to maps and city plans, with his adjutant and group-leader Briickner,

22

THE NEW LIFE

23

ti proved comrade in any situation. Bruckner had already accom-
plinhcd good preliminary work. Starting and landing hours at the
v«riyZ. The hail hurtled down from black clouds. Torrents devastated
lid (Is and gardens. Muddy foam swept through the streets and rail-
way tracks, and the hurricane uprooted even the greatest trees.

We drove by car to the Mannheim Aerodrome. Nobody would dare
to risk a flight in this furious tempest. The Deutsche Lufthansa ”
liad suspended all air traffic.

The most intrepid of our followers stood huddled together in the
Mhcaming rain. They themselves wanted to witness the scene, they
wanted to be there when our leader risked the flight in this storm.

Without any hesitation, our leader gave orders to start at once. Our
daily programme had to be fulfilled, since hundreds of thousands were
expecting us in Western Germany.

‘I’he machine was brought out. Only by extreme efforts could the
dlroiig muscled mounters and S.A. men hold the machine fast to prevent
I he wind from thrusting the wings upward and shattering them.

The great motor was started. Like an invisible organist, our pilot
I Milled the stops, and let the roar swell and then die away. The motors
were now hot. Our winged steed vibrated impatiently in bridled power,
until the way was free.

A brief struggle, and our wild steed swept over the green plain, a
Irw bold leaps, a final brief contact with the ground, and we rode
through the air into the bubbling witches’ cauldron.

It was no longer a flight, but a whirl, upon which we can still look back
to day, as upon a distant dream. First, we passed over the squall,
I hen we tore through the clouds, then an invisible whirlpool sucked
UH down, then we felt as if we were drawn steeply upwards by some
lofty crane.

And again, what a feeling of security gripped us in this uproar of the

I h-ments. Our leader’s absolute calmness was transmitted into our
hearts. In every hour of danger, he was filled with the most steadfast
faith in his world historical mission, and with the firmest conviction
that Providence would preserve him from all harm for the fulfilment
III his great task.

Now, too, he remained supreme, mastering the danger, for he rose
nhove it in his heart. Disregarding the risk of this ruthless flight, our
lender tensely followed the stem struggle of our master pilot, Baur,
NH he steered us through the tempest, now passing like lightning through
the thick of the storm, now eluding some threatening bank of clouds,
whilst the wireless operator eagerly took in the reports from the various
uerodromes.

Meanwhile, below us, our cars pursued their toilsome route. Fallen

I I <-e8 blocked the roads. Dykes were washed away, thus compelling
wearisome detours. But they succeeded too.

25

26 WITH HITLER ON THE ROAD TO POWER

Snow and hail pattered upon the wings of our D1720, and against the
cabin windows. Sometimes, we flew so low that our operator had to
pull in his antenna to prevent it from catching in the treetops or in the
telephone wires.

The motors ran at full speed, while our leader consulted map and
watch alternately, fearing only that we might miss our direction and
arrive late for our next meeting.

More than once, the Hitler pilot, Baur, had to fly blindly, when we
tore through or above dark clouds which hid the earth from view.
However, the well-known paper bags, attached to every seat, remained
unused.

We breathed freely as, passing Frankfort o/M., the clouds broke,
and, through a rainbow, we soon saw the Rhine lying before us in
brilliant sunshine. Coblenz appeared, then Bonn and Cologne; soon
we came to Diisseldorf, our destination.

We saw the lonely monument on the Golzheimer heath, where
L£o Schlageter was treacherously shot, and the racing track in Dussel-
dorf, where great masses, packed closely together, were awaiting our
leader.

We landed at the Diisseldorf Aerodrome, our daring flight was
over. The howls of Communists raged around us as we drove to the
meeting.

CHAPTER XI

Our First Night Flight.

Hitler’s flights are now beyond number, starting from that original
iUy^ht to Berlin to the Kapp-Riot, up to the Chancellor’s weekly flights
1(1 Munich.

When Adolf Hitler first entered an aeroplane, Dietrich Eckart
iM (“ompanied him. Baron von Graim, a war pilot, steered the old-
fiiHliioned plane, which actually carried only two passengers. But it
hiul to be so, as our leader insisted on flying with Dietrich Eckart.

‘I’his memorable flight was really a bold venture. At this time,
iiiibody would have thought of such a thing. As yet, there was no
rrjMilar air traffic, and only a few, inadequately fitted landing places.
Adolf Hitler, however — and this is significant — conceived the idea of
t liartering an aeroplane — he, who had never previously flown.

As he sat in the narrow, open seat, cramped between tins of petrol and
..I I, and tossed to and fro by the gale, one sole thought obsessed him:
iiliiiU we reach Berlin in time ? Shall not everything have been in vain,
HM he feared, as he foresaw ?

Graim was then forced to land in Juterborg. As the result of the
r vents in Berlin, the aerodromes were closely guarded by the bewildered
Marxists. Scarcely had the plane landed, than Reds swarmed round
it. Should they fire and escape with the machine, taking advantage of
the confusion ?

But it was not to be so. Dietrich Eckart pretended to be a paper-
merchant, and the Marxists gave the plane free passage. As they
arrived in Berlin, the curtain had just fallen upon the political adventure
of the Kapp-Riot; in this hour, Trebitsch Linkoln, leader of the Press,
was the last to leave the government building.

If anybody asked me my opinion as to the flight which our leader
followed with the most tense interest, then — if I retrace in my memory
the long succession of flights — I must recall our first night flight on
I ‘Hh April, 1932.

The flight from Gorlitz to Breslau, quite harmless in itself, lasted only
n good half hour. But it is ineff”aceably engraved in the memories of
each one of us, since this day has been the origin of Adolf Hitler’s great
preference for night flights.

We had passed through one of the hardest days of our campaign.
We had flovm through clouds for 4 J hours, in wet and cold, from Munich
to Gleiwitz, to hold meetings in Beuthen, Gleiwitz and Gorlitz, before
250,000 people.

On this day’s flight, we passed through Upper Silesia, and saw
the smoking chimneys and belching furnaces of those works not yet
closed; our brave plane, D 1720, passed by the fertile line of the Lausitz,
with the gorgeous blaze of colour of its freshly cultivated fields and gar-
dens. As far as eye could see, we saw land stolen from Germany,
though cultivated by Silesian Industry and by German toil.

27

28 WITH HITLER ON THE ROAD TO POWER

Our leader spoke within earshot of the Poles. Then he held ou
first meeting in Gorlitz, where the attendance exceeded the hundrec
thousand figure. All the roads were crowded with masses of people
on foot, on bicycles, and in lorries, all with the same destination. As
evening fell, we landed in Gorlitz. ‘

Hitler spoke as the stars arose in the heavens, and amidst flaring
torches. The broad field was weirdly illuminated. Scarcely had
the cheers of enthusiasm died away, than our leader hastened back to
the aerodrome, which lay close to the meeting place.

Our machine was to start with only five passengers, so that the
heavy plane could rise quickly enough after its limited run in the dark-
ness. After a glance, our leader briefly considered : Who shall come
with me, and who shall follow by car ? The five passengers were
chosen. I was one of them, as the press must always be at hand.

The starting flag fell, the motors roared, and we rose from the
ground into the night. Our pilot wheeled round, crossed the neigh-
bouring sports place, and our plane curved over the smouldering masai
of burning torches, and over the crowds who had been listening to
Adolf Hitler’s words a few moments previously. ^

Now we beheld a striking scene, never to be forgotten. The cabin
was illuminated, and now the crowds recognised the luminous plane
carrying our leader, who had just devoted his time to them. Cheers
broke out from a hundred thousand throats, drowning even the thunder
of our motors, whilst the crowds brandished flaming torches in greeting.

I shall never forget the impression of this unprecedented spectacle
upon our leader. We sat in silence, charmed by the strange magic
of this sight. After the long day’s exertions, we were in a condition in
which body only obeys will mechanically. An almost transcendental
wakefulness, inspired by phantasy, seized us, and enhanced the pictun
to the character of a vision.

At this hour of the night, as we flew with our leader over German soil,
we beheld the torches pass out from the stadium and move on up to
the borders of the Reich. Should all German hearts at last bear the*
torch for Adolf Hitler’s idea ? In this vision, like a Fata Morgana, the
victory of our cause appeared to us as joyfully certain.

The light in the cabin had long been extinguished. The pale,
ghostly moonlight shone over forest and field, over cottage and town oi
this industrious land. And now the searchlights of the Breslau Aero-
drome appeared before us.

CHAPTER XII

The Masurian Revelation.

We have experienced the following fact: In Germany, whenever
rroiiomic and moral distress was greatest, wherever things seemed most
Iniolcrable, there, confidence in our leader was strongest, and gripped
nil iIk- people.

Severed from the motherland, East Prussia had been cruelly maimed
l»v criminal border settlement, and felt each day the menace of the
Pnlish fist; there, where the ravages of the Russian invasion are reniem-
lic icd all too vividly, we realised, first and most clearly, this
fclcidfast faith in Adolf Hitler.

On 19th April, 1932, during our second flight over Germany, com-
iMK from Silesia we flew over the corridor following the appointed
I utile via Biitow. On our left rose the Danzig ”Marienkirche ” (St.
Miiry’s Church,) the stone symbol of the indestructible Germanism of
ilii.’i ancient Hansa City; on our right, lay the Marienburg, pointing a
(m)(( r of silent accusation over the Nogat towards the stolen land. The
iitdtlcst castle of the German knighthood stood by the river bank.
What an imposing sight, recalling the days of 600 years ago, when the
iMiHtland was cleared by Germans and inhabited by German peasants.

VVc flew over the HaflF ” and over the Baltic to Konigsberg, where
wr changed into a smaller plane and flew on to Allenstein. Our fast
nir had remained on the other side of the corridor.

Our leader’s triumphal drive through the Masurian land began
itt poor cars and on still worse roads. On former occasions, we had
rxpcrienced enthusiastic ovations, but now we met with something
pi cviously unknown to us.

On our journeys through the Reich, despite all the sympathy and
4l<-v()tion to our cause, we had always been conscious of the inner
opposition of compatriots incited against us, we had seen clenched
(iHls and scowling faces amongst the many cheering hands. But here,
III the Masurian border-districts, Adolf Hitler had the vast majority
licliind him, already at the time of the first Reich Presidential Election.
Hut on this journey it seemed as if the whole land of Masuria was
liiitliful to the Hooked Cross.

1 1 ere the Nation’s poorest children were the most true of all. Hitler
li.ij^s lined all the roads, pictures of Hitler decorated all the houses,
»ui(l garlands draped the entrance to every village; hope and loyalty
were prevalent everywhere !

Wherever our leader approached, every man and woman came
• Mit. Crowds lined all the streets. Aged grandmothers, on \vhose
iliHlrcssed faces the direst poverty was written, raised their arms in
(.Meeting. Wherever we stopped, the women stretched out their
« liildren towards our leader. There were tears of joy and emotion.

‘I ‘his unforgettable drive through Masuria, at a time when our
movement was still fighting most grimly for its life, also served as

29

30 WITH HITLER ON THE ROAD TO POWER

an immense strengthening of the moral power and spirit of resistance
of these border folk. Here, in the hearts of the poverty-stricken
people, who had never seen our leader before, the Idea of National
Socialism was most deeply implanted.

We now realised that fact with especial joy. The faithful, infinite
devotion of the people, touched every one of us 1 It induced us
to visit the most remote spots. But the days were short, and the
roads were long. Driving furiously, we covered kilometre after kilo-
metre. We nearly choked with dust.

It is sacred soil, drenched with the blood of our fallen heroes. Rem-
nants of trenches, and war-cemetries along the road, recall August, 1914,
when the devastated land was freed from its foes.

Our leader made a brief stop at the Tannenberg Monument, and at
the heroes’ cemeteryatWaplitz, where an entire regiment, which gave its
blood for the success of the great strategical envelopment of the foe,
lies in everlasting peace. He thought with gratitude of those dead men,
who have sacrificed their lives for Germany’s greatness, with faith in
her resurrection. The last aim of his struggle is that they shall not
have died in vain.

When we stopped in the former ruined city of Neidenburg, now
however rebuilt, the crowds burst through the cordon. Our leader
spoke from his car, which had stopped in the market place.

After driving for dear life, we came to Willenberg, then Ortelsburg,
Johannesburg, and finally to Lyck. We arrived in this village at 1 1 p.m.
An influx of people coming to our meeting, greatly outnumbered the
inhabitants of this place.

Not all our cars could terminate this furious drive; one car after
another lost connection. We alone kept on the heels of our leader’s
car.

Just before Lyck, our leader’s car gave the signal to stop. We
drove up, I jumped out, and heard our leader’s question: ” Where is
the press ? ” He recognised its importance, and knew that he had to
captivate, not only the 60,000 at this meeting, but also the millions in
the Reich, who should share in this meeting through their newspapers]
next day. The leaders of the black and red system had reserved the
wireless for themselves. I was able to explain with joy, ” The prest
is here,” and we drove on to Lyck for the night meeting.

Masuria and East Prussia did not put vain trust in Adolf Hitler.
To-day, after a few months of our leader’s Chancellorship, East Prussia
has been the first part of Germany to be freed from unemployment.

Already in Masuria, by the unexampled attitude of these border
people, we beheld our coming victory as a glorious certainty.

CHAPTER XIII

How We Conquered Mecklenburg.

Tlx- outstanding reminiscences of that eventful Mecklenburg election
. .m.paij^n are the brief screams of the powerful Mercedes compressor,
ilxnWiui^ headlights on the road at night, dangerous drives through
il.uk fog, and, in between, the welcome hours of rest m the great
lMii(l-(luarters at the lonely residence. We had gained the absolute
i.iaiority in Oldenburg, and wanted to achieve the same success m
M< ( klenburg on 5th June. Vhv. veil of mystery was woven round this election campaign. I )ay after day, our black steeds were seen gliding over the roads, up towards the sea, from one end of the land to the other. Every rvniing, when the dusk fell, we would swoop down from our rural , .itil If to conquer the land like modern robber-knights. But we caused n. M I read throughout the land. Wherever we appeared, we were greeted l.v loyful crowds, full of hope, who cheered us with delight. I’c.asants in the fields left their ploughs for a moment, farm labourers .iiul inaids laid aside their scythes, and masons at their building site put down their trowels to run quickly to the roadside, when our furious « nvalcadetoreby. And always at day-break, as the land lay asleep, we returned to our . uinp, from the ancient Hansa City, Wismar, from the capital, Schwerin, 1 1 .un Cjiistrow, or from some other town, where our leader had spoken. ‘I’hc Estate of Severin, from whose gables Hooked Cross Flags lliiltcrcd, formed head-quarters of quite a special character. In I lie day time, our leader found relaxation from his work, accepting the l.ospitality of our comrade Granzow, and his thoughtful wife. He blutd to take his simple meal in the open, or walk in the old park, I nr il itating over his plans or discussing them. ‘I ‘here, the last Quitzow, the last rebel against the margraves ot Hiandenburg, lay buried in a small beech-grove. But how different was OUR conquest of the land. The people regarded us, not with Irar, but with affection, wherever we came. They recognised in Adolf I I it Icr, not their oppressor, but their saviour from distress and despair . Hut’ this election campaign did not absorb our leader’s whole ultcntion. ^ . , r i i During our stay in Mecklenburg, m this apparently peaceful, aestivai iratiquillity of the Severin Estate, critical scenes were being enacted on I he great political stage. i t» • u t> •

( )n the very first day, our leader was summoned to the Reich i’resi-
dent. Briining’s Ministry had fallen, Papen succeeded him, and
Ju ldcicher, upon whom the eyes of the other political parties were
lixcd in a hypnotic stare, sought an interview with our leader. They

I I let on a neighbouring estate.

Schleicher dreamed of fixed agreements, and written settlements.
Hitler does not favour preliminary contracts, and judges according to

31

32 WITH HITLER ON THE ROAD TO POWER

deeds, not according to words. The meeting lasted only a few momentJ
and failed. ]

It was decided to dissolve the Reichstag. Still, from the Estate o^
Severin, our leader could give orders to prepare the propaganda for
the next election campaign. Mecklenburg was won on 5th June.
Granzow became Minister President.

Adolf Hitler loves the sea with its boundless expanse, just as he loves
the German Alps. He always enjoyed a short trip to the sea, when he
occasionally addressed a meeting near the coast. Our nightly hours,
spent on the beach by the Baltic, during this Mecklenburg election
campaign, are unforgettable for our leader and for us all. j

By the North Sea, there is a lonely fishing village in the marshes,
where Adolf Hitler has sometimes repaired for a brief stay. Close to
the beach, stands a small cottage which gave him shelter. On this
bracing coast, which strengthened him, and gave him composure, our
leader felt happy amongst these simple people, who fight a perpetual
struggle against the sea.

CHAPTER XIV

The Fall of Briining.

Ill lining’s fall, on 30th May, came as a surprise to many people, but
niilv because Briining had succeeded — one could almost say with
roiisuinmate skill — in suspending the most elementary laws of the
luilural course of logical, political development, until our civic contem-
nni aries, quite devoid of all instinct, imagined in all seriousness that the
Liws were now replaced by Article 48.

These contemporaries received a rude awakening on 30th May.
( )n that date, the dynamic forces of the Nation, which were active in
ilu- National Socialist Movement, found a conclusive breach in the
\\ nicture of ofiicial Germany for the first time.

IW uning was not tripped up, nor was he ruined by intrigues, although
ilicsi’ were rife in this storm of political forces, which burst over his
head. Briining had to yield to the pressure of the National Socialist
Movement, and was simply swept away by this wave, which could no
Iniij^er be stemmed.

His cup was full. On 13th April, his Minister, Groener— docilely
giving way to the desire of the Prussian Reds — had dissolved the S.A.,
S.S., and Hitler Youth, amidst the approval of the Centre and the
Ilavarian People’s Party. Our outer front is broken, our inner unity
can never be overcome,” cried Staff-Leader Rohm, in fury to his
comrades, and confident of settling this account. Our leader’s reply
In this latest desperate blow was no parry, but a thrust. The second
lli^;ht over Germany began three days later.

On 24th April, Briining paid the penalty in Prussia, Bavaria, Wurt-
tnnberg, Hamburg and Anhalt. The Centre Party, and the Social
I )i’mocrats were heavily defeated everywhere. After the election, the
N.S.D.A.P. were more powerful than the combined forces of the Centre
Aud of the Social Democrats; the parties of three of Briining’s fellow-
ministers failed to gain a single seat in the Prussian Parliament. In

niack Bavaria,” the N.S.D.A.P. equalled the strength of the Bavarian
Tcople’s Party, whose numerical superiority was hereby broken.

\ivtn now, Briining did not act as he should have done long before.
I lis party used crafty manoeuvres to cheat the Prussian people of their
I if^’ht to a National Socialist Government. It was the same in Bavaria
aiul elsewhere. Minister Frick rightly declared it to be a crime against
( Ii-rmany, that the N.S.D.A.P. was still kept out of power.

Our leader had immediately proclaimed a fight to the finish asjainst the
lot’. ‘* We recognise our own verdict and no other, with regard to our
c laims to government,” he declared, before the first assembly of the
ni’w Prussian faction, before he left for his Oldenburg election campaign.

On 9th May, Briining, who, in the meanwhile, after bargaining, had
nought refuge under the wings of a bare majority, faced the Reichstag.
After Goering’s speech, referring to the suppression of the S.A., Groner’s
ilcfence merely sealed his own fate. ” A more helpless speech has

33

34 WITH HITLER ON THE ROAD TO POWER

never been heard.” Despite the truncheon attack, delivered against the
N.S.D.A.P. on 12th May in the Reichstag, and personally commanded
by the Jewish Berlin Vice-President of Police, Weiss, from behind the
Chancellor’s chair, Groner’s fate was sealed. The first gap yawned in
Briining^s cabinet. ” A hundred yards to his goal,” but the goal of
destruction.

Blow after blow rained down: on 23rd May, in the State of Anhah,
the first National Socialist Minister President in Germany, Party
Member Freyberg, was elected. Two days later. Party Member
Kerrl took the President’s Chair in tlie Prussian Diet, from which our
faction threw out the agitating Communists on the same day. On
29th May, National Socialism gained the absolute majority in the State
of Oldenburg, and smote the Centre Party, thought to be quite in-
vincible, with the severe blow of a 10 per cent, loss of votes. On the
same day, the public learned that the Supreme Court of the Reich had
rejected the charge of high treason brought against the N.S.D.A.P. as
groundless. This indignant accusation, with which Briining’s govern-
ment had charged our Party before the Reich President, had brought
about the suppression of the S.A.

This knocked the bottom out of the cask. Facts condemned Briining’s
interpretation as lies. The Centre Party vessel had run aground.
Briining, who had understood for years how to take advantage of his
party’s parliamentary predominance to the detriment of the Nation,
had to justify his actions before the Reich President on the following;
day. What do Dr. Briining and his Cabinet intend to say to the’
Reich President to-morrow at noon ? ” asked the Reich Press Office of,
the N.S.D.A.P., on the evening of 29th May. The reply came quickly;’
” The legend of Briining ” was over.

The curtain had fallen upon the last Chancellor of the Centre.

CHAPTER XV

A Memorable Night.

( )m- night is outstanding from the long series of great events, rapidly
..urcccling each other, during our third flight over Germany. We
vvnv then forced to undertake that night flight— fraught with diffi-
I ultics— which began in Cottbus and was to end in Wannemiinde, and
.lui iiig which we finally drifted to an emergency landing place in Meck-
li nbiirg.

Not only are the adventures of this night of 19th— 20th July vividly
. i.jM avcd in our memories, but also the great moral qualities which our
lr;.,’li’r showed during this time of danger, and with which he overcame
nil (liificulties.

Alter a tempestuous flight from East Prussia over the Corridor,
during which we had to battle against powerful winds, we arrived in
( :(.ltbus in the afternoon, late for our meeting. Meanwhile Goebbels,
( ;/iring and Rohm had just flown from Berlin to Cottbus, to inform our
lr;i(l(.’r of the course of events in the capital. I still remember exactly

I licir conference at the aerodrome.

We made a belated start, as dusk fell. National Socialist aero-
planes accompanied us for a time. Below us, gleamed the dark waters
ol thcSprecwald.

At the same time, tens of thousands were gathering in the open air
.It Stralsund. We wanted to land in Warnemiinde before dark, and
proceed thence by car to Stralsund for our meeting arranged for 8 p.m.

Our plane made its way to the sea through fog and thick clouds. A
violent north wind slowed down our speed, and night sprang an un-
timely surprise upon us.

At this moment, our pilot, Baur, announced that he could no longer
land in Warnemiinde, where even the most necessary devices for
ni^ht landing were unavailable. We sat in silence, our gaze fixed

I I pon our leader. He asked h is adjutant for the map.

Our leader knew that we had fuel for only a few hours. Anybody
rise would immediately have thought only of landing safely on this
dark, stormy night. This commonplace idea did not even dawn on
Adolf Hitler. His thoughts already centred on his faithful followers
in Stralsund, whom he did not want to keep waiting in vain. His only
. lucstion was : How can we still get to Stralsund for the meeting ?

In the midst of the night, at an altitude of 2,000 metres, our leader
consulted the map. He decided upon an emergency landing place,
and announced our landing by wireless. He furthermore instructed by
wireless the neighbouring party groups to stop our cars, which were
i ll route to the Warnemiinde Aerodrome, and to direct them to this
( niergency landing place.

After all preparations for this new route, we were informed by radio
I hat no night landing was possible here.

35

36 WITH HITLER ON THE ROAD TO POWER

What now? We flew through the pitch-dark night at 200 kilo-
metres an hour, with no fixed destination. At this moment, nobody
had the sHghtest idea where this flight would end.

With quick decision, our leader ordered; “Back to Berlin 1 We
shall see what to do when we get to Tempelhof.”

The wind was with us and drove us on. Soon the light signals
of the Konigsberg night route showed us the way. We landed at
9.30 p.m. The last difficulty was overcome after a few minutes of
enquiry by ‘phone. We were able to land ! The preparations were
made with crude means.

We re-started after 10 p.m., and soared above the lights in Berlin.
No beacon showed us the way through rain and storm, no star in the
sky directed us. Our leader, and all of us, looked out into the night.
Our pilot lit the light signals beneath the wings to make the plane
visible. We flew through the black night like phantoms. At last, at
last, we sighted the faint light of the emergency landing place.

Our pilot made a cautious descent. The magnesium torches
gleamed at the end of the wings, and the plane touched the ground
between two rows of lanterns which gave a scanty outline to the landing
track.

After this fortunate success, further difficulty already loomed up.
Our cars had not arrived. We quickly secured others, and continued
our way. How glad we were, as, after a quarter of an hour, the power-
ful headlights of our own cars flashed upon us. Our wireless message
had reached them somewhere between Stettin and Warnemiinde;
we quickly changed cars on the dark road, and drove furiously away.

Now everything seemed to run smoothly, and we raced ahead. But.
in the meantime, it had become late. There— just before Stralsund,
there was one more, final delay. Anxious adherents stopped us in a
small village, and warned us that danger lay ahead. A forest close by,
through which we had to pass, was occupied by armed Communists in
ambush, and ready to waylay us.

Our leader paid no need to this danger, and simply drove on. As we
came to the forest, we saw police scouring the countryside, with loaded
rifles. They had already pounced upon the Communists.

After a drive of two and a half hours, we finally came to Stralsund
at 2.30 a.m. We had already abandoned hope of the people waiting
so long in the wet and cold. But our leader’s perseverance was richly
rewarded.

An imposing scene met our eyes. We stood amidst the mighty
assembly, as the red streaks of morning appeared in the sky. In the
open air, and in pouring rain, we met the crowds drenched to the skin,
weary and hungry, just as they had gathered over night, and patiently
waited for our leader.

The night had been long and the way to Stralsund far, but now we
had forgotten all inconveniences. Our leader spoke, and won their
hearts, and, during his speech, the day slowly dawned. Was there
ever such a spectacle — a gathering of 40,000 people at 4 o’clock in the
morning ? Was there ever a finer proof of devotion and boundless
faith ? And thus did the dread, dark night of waiting and hoping break
into the light of day. And the loud joyful strains of the Deut-
schlandlied ” arose from 40,000 throats.

CHAPTER XVI

Versatility on the Battlefield.

I ll inncss of principle and political resourcefulness have always been
I III’ determinant qualities of statesmanship. A politician’s success is
…. niircil by his ability to combine these two qualities, so that they do
. .-I . 1 . iss each other’s purposes, but supplement each other.

I licse two qualities are both strongly pronounced and most admirably
. onibiiicd in Adolf Hitler. Next to his sternness of principle and his
liiM|.iri!ig strength ofwill, lie his cool power of deliberation, his states-
jMunliLc wisdom, and his political resourcefulness, as the most strikmg
Ir.iiiiirs of his personality. Despite his iron, fighting spirit, Adolf
llnlcr, if his principles set up a goal, always pursues the way which
. il I ri H least resistance.

Alter the fall of Groener and Briining, the era of the Papen-Schleicher
p.iv < rniuent saw him launch an agile attack.

The tactics of the Supreme Command during the war, between the
yrufi 1917—1918, have not been forgotten. Instead of continuing
I lie eostly, stubborn trench warfare— which would have always de-
mmuled heroic sacrifices for every single clod of ground, and every
.niifde front line trench— they yielded ground to the foe, before begin-
mii^’. a counter-attack. We must understand and judge our leader’s
.illit’udc, during the following weeks and months, from a similar point of

\ lew.

The aim of his struggle— political suppremacy for the N.S.D.A.P. —
sviiH to stand firm. But until there were new elections in the Reich,
I., express visibly and legallv the Nation’s support for the N.S.D.AT.
.111.1 wliile the S.A. remained suppressed, this decisive goal was in-
.. eessible. The indispensable preliminaries had to materialise.
\ In T Hruning’s fall, the opportunity arose.

Ilrilning had failed to unite the N.S.D.A.P. with the State. The
Heieli President chose von Papen for this task, now most urgent.

Already, on 29th May, our leader had gone from Oldenburg straight
..ver to the Mecklenburg election campaign. On 31st May, when
ru|)eii was called to Office, our leader was summoned to the Reich
r resilient in Berlin by Schleicher, with whom Staflf-Leader Rohm was

llllnuch.

Adolf Hitler promised toleration of this cabinet, but only so far as its
»M lions made this posssible. The task of this most trusted cabinet ”
w.iM, above all, the immediate declaration of a new Reichstag election,

iplcte liberty of organisation and of propaganda for the National

..uialist Movement, and the revocation of the suppression of the S.A.

Many of us did not understand our far-seeing leader. They have
l,ii<-r understood why the re-organisation and development of the S.A. .111(1 S.S. were absolutely essential from the point of view of political 37 38 WITH HITLER ON THE ROAD TO POWER After the dissolution of the Reichstag on 4th June, for the reaso that it no longer re-echoed the voice of the Nation, the N.S.D.A.P had every reason to expect an election at the earliest possible date 3rd July or a little later. The intentional postponement of the electio until the 31st of July, which placed the trump-card of the propagatio of the untrue catch-word of the “Nazi Barons” straight into the hand of the Marxists, cost us at least a million votes. Similarly, the inner minister of the Reich, von Gayl, also postpone until the 15th June the revocation of the suppression of the S.A. which had also been crippled in Prussia, Baden, and Bavaria. Th N.S.D.A.P. had to reject the first emergency decree of von Papen’ cabinet as a new and even more intolerable burden for the Germi Nation. This was because our party could see that the government’ first practical measure bore no trace of a fundamental change from th previous policy. Although the election campaign was only waged with full severi against the Left and the Centre, the N.S.D.A.P. saw itself forced t oppose this tendency of the cabinet, which it judged only according t its actions. Accordingly, the party gave fullest credit to Papen fo his removal of the Marxist ministers in Prussia, on 19th July. The 31st July brought the N.S.D.A.P. 13,800,000 votes and 23 seats. A mighty triumph, but no decisive majority as yet. By thi political superiority, our leader had advanced a further step toward his goal. Indefatigable, he gave the signal for further battle on th evening of 31st July. CHAPTER XVII The Thirteenth of August. ‘ I ‘I. ere are few days in the history of the N.S.D.A.P. which have been ••I «in l> fateful importance for the New Germany as the 13th August,
)’) 1,’. On this day, our leader saved the movement by the firmness
ul 1.1 i rharacter and, by the brilliant example of his faith towards the
I hHK.ii, gave it the moral strength to weather the severe storm of the
m.ii.mi.k’ months, until at last the scales of Fate incHned the victory
(uNViii tIs the party.

liMiMcdiately after the great success of 31st July, which made the
|iM-,lnminant position of the N.S.D.A.P. so evident, the party had
nliiinly announced its right to govern the State. Its right would have
luM’n refused in no land on earth governed by a parliament. But,
i^liiitl as ever, our bourgeoisie could not yet understand this demand.

‘I’lie jrovernment, called upon to execute a task quite plainly defined,
iinmc ly, to ascertain officially the Nation’s will, failed to take prompt
ill t inn.

Our leader had left for the Bavarian Alps to await their decision.
Tlir prominent members of the N.S.D.A.P. had accompanied him
I line.

( )n 11th August, our leader was requested by telephone from Berlin,
hi toiue to the capital on 12th August for discussions and decisions with
ipmu il to a new formation of the government. We— as well as almost
Hif’ cut ire public — who did not yet see through the situation, naturally
..Muiued that Adolf Hitler’s hour had come at last. Our leader replied
I lull lie would be in Berlin only on the morning of 13th August. He was
Uirhued to the presentiment that he would miss nothing of importance.

Ilcfore his departure— during a short stay at Chiemsee — he had
rtlirmly confirmed, at a meeting of his most intimate followers, his
iMli ntion, known to us, of not declining acceptance of the entire res-
• Muinibility of government, but of rejecting compromises and half-
lu ui led proposals.

What had happened in Berlin in the meanwhile ? After lengthy
illncusHions, they had agreed to offer to Adolf Hitler the Office of
Vier-Chancellor in von Papen’s cabinet, so as to pay apparent heed
In the people’s will. They called our leader to Berlin to persuade
tiiiu to coalesce the National Socialist Party, for better or for worse,
Willi a government in which the lead and the final decision lay beyond
liiH powers. If he refused, the flames of popular impatience, kindled
liy the exasperation at the frequent elections, were to be fanned against
Ihr N.S.D.A.P.

Al S a.m. on 13th August, our leader, motoring from Munich, met
Ml ull- leader Rohm in a small suburb near Potsdam. At 10 o’clock,
III- cuiered the Reichswehr Ministry for a conference with Schleicher,
tiiiil later met von Papen in the Reich Chancellor’s Office.

39

40 WITH HITLER ON THE ROAD TO POWER

Now they revealed to him the government’s scheme. Adolf Hitlei
immediately refused their unreasonable proposals, he discarded th(
meeting with the Reich President as aimless, if the decision had already
been made along these lines. He only decided upon this visit, as the
State’s Secretary telephoned from the Reich Chancellor’s Office tc
Dr. Frick in the afternoon, saying that the Reich President had made nc
decision as yet.

After this visit to the Reich President, before whom he had maintain ec
his claim for leadership, our leader returned to Dr. Goebbel’s house
Immediately, as if obeying a signal, the pro-government press, whicl
had confidentially ” circulated the approaching decision, began tc
scream: “Hitler demands absolute power!” ”An unprecedentec
claim ! ” ” Put in his place by the Reich President ! ”

The world believed them. Our rectifications were in vain, oui
press could get no hearing. The enemy’s manoeuvre had succeeded.

But only temporarily ! Truth had found another, better champion,
The people !

For the sake of the people, our leader had refused an offer most
tempting to the Civic and Marxist mentality; he had not sold him-
self to the system for a few cabinet positions. Just think; byonesingh
word» the party would have been delivered from the nightmare o
nerve-racking struggles, and rid of the ceaseless troubles and worries
The S.S. would have been freed from the murderous, bloody terror oJ
the Marxists. All types of men had tried to influence Adolf Hitlei
But he had firmly refused to consent. He remained true to himselj
to the movement and to the people, come what may !

His refusal was a deed which must bear fruit. Later, the Nation
has richly rewarded this deed.

The 13th August, which the people regarded as a ” Black Day”
for the N.S.D.A.P., has not only proved a triumphal victory for the
character and personality of Adolf Hitler, but his very instinct feh
it as one of the most propitious days for the movement. His confident
expression of this feeling — whilst the doubters thought all to be lost —
is known to those who were with him in Dr. Goebbels’ house in the late
afternoon of 13th August.

During those hours, he did not feel the shadow of defeat, as every-
body thought, but he felt joyful and free, like a man who has happil)
escaped from a great danger. He was fully aware that he had nippec
in the bud a dangerous attempt to quietly ” settle the N.S.D.A.P
** Only we can complete what we have begun.” His striking ai gu-
ments convinced the voters, weary of the eternal elections and who
would have preferred forceful measures, that a further lawful struggle
was essential. I would rather besiege a fortress than be held captive
there ! ” The bourgeoisie’s failure to recognise the N.S.D.A.P.’j
claim to power, was to doom not the N.S.D.A.P., but the bourgeoisie
” Later, we shall say that all this had to be so.”

Despite all croaking of those weary of struggle and of logical
thinkers,” our leader had always been convinced that the time was not
yet ripe for the N.S.D.A.P., that its hour had not yet come. The
movement had grown through struggle; it could only triumph by
struggle, by completely crushing its foes. This was, and remained
the motto of our leader. It sprang from the clear, cogent, and ruthless

THE THIRTEENTH AUGUST 41

«»l Ijis thought, which I consider, besides the greatness of his
»lini .i« icr and his fiery strength of will, to be Adolf Hitler’s greatest

< »it I lie evening of 13th August, as we got into the car to drive from
h. tliii l);K-k to the South, the people pressed round our leader in the
‘ I ( ‘ < I . .itwl cried : ” Stand firm ! ”

Hill leader’s decision corresponded to the voice of the people.

THE HOUSE ON THE HILL

43

CHAPTER XVni

The House on the Hill

The hill *’ Obersalzberg ” has long been a historic site for Nationa
Socialism. Manifold are its memories of the history of the movement
of the time of its severest persecution, of its struggle, of its victory,
deep veneration, many have climbed the steep road from Berchtes
gaden to the Obersalzberg. Ever greater swells the stream of visito
since they know that our leader, also as Chancellor, has remained tnj
to the hill.

In the year 1923, Adolf Hitler, Dietrich Eckart, Hermann Essei
and Christian Weber, picked upon the Obersalzberg for their designs
It was the time of the Republican Law of Protection. Since th
many a National Socialist has sought and found a refuge from hi
persecutors, with true friends in the seclusion of Obersalzberg.

They used to meet upon the Platterhof. Here Dietrich Eckart
herald and poet of the Dritte Reich,” composed his literature, an
hence he would go forth incognito into the valleys to stir the hearts
the peasants. Following Adolf Hitler’s advice, Dietrich Eckhart woul
live in some lonely farm or shepherd’s hut, safely hidden from hi
persecutors.

Adolf Hitler would often come in the night fog to the Platterhof
to take counsel with his friends. But Dietrich Eckart was arrested an(
imprisoned. He came back to Berchtesgaden at death’s door, hope
lessly ill after persecution and imprisonment, and heart-broken afte
the treachery of the 9th November, 1923. On 26th December 1923
as our leader and nearly all his friends were in confinement in Lands
berg, there did Dietrich Eckart meet his lonely end. There he foun
his last resting place.

Since then, from his ceaseless toil, from his abundance of wori
Adolf Hitler has always returned to the seclusion of Berchtesgaderj
which has ever attracted men of outstanding character and will. Th
Landsberg confinement was over, but the party was disbanded an
as our leader was forbidden to speak, no kind of public canvassii
was possible.

Then did our leader return to the mountains of Bavaria. Whil
he prepared to refound his party, he WTote, in a small Berchtesgad
Inn, the second part of his book, ” My Struggle,” dedicated to Di(
rich Eckart, who, one of the noblest of men, has devoted his lii
to the awakening of his, our Nation, by poetry, by thought, and final)
by deed.”

Just below the Platterhof, the house of ” Wachenfeld ” nestles
the lofty rnountain-forest. It is a humble, homely, and small countr
house, built in Bavarian style, and encircled by a wooden veranc
beneath the salient, gabled roof. Stones weigh upon the roof to pro
tect the tiles from the storm. A Hamburg merchant built th
country house just before the war.

42

A a Imk would have it, ” Wachenfeld” was to be let when Adolf
Miih i relumed from confinement. He eagerly accepted this chance,
■ I ttiiK-e then, ” Wachenfeld,” in the thoughtful hands of his sister,
• t Kiiubal, has been his home.

M..W often has our leader, even in the year 1932, the year of that
ni vi-re final struggle for power, wended his way to his own home-
‘ .1 III the glorious mountains, even if only for a few hours. The
■ I lidin Munich to Chiemsee runs through Bad Aibling, and Rosen-
J.. nil. Drivers know the inn, finely situated on the lake. There,
il.M’ make a short stop and sit under the old trees by the broad lake.

I III’ mountains lie close by. The road continues through Traun-
•I I’ll I and the formerly fortified pass of Hallturm, in the loveliest

CmK ol tlic German Alps, in the extreme south-east corner of the Reich,
i\\p\v llic Bavarian Alps border the Salzburg Alps, and the frontier
^Mita over the rocky, topmost crests.

All(M- three or four hours drive, we would find a quiet homely
rtiMHMipIu-re and cosy comfort in ” Wachenfeld,” in the hospitality of
Mill li-adcr’s sister. How snug was the spacious corner-room with
W’i . »»luiirful furniture and its bright rugs, woven on local hand-looms.
I mil- l)irds, the darlings of our hostess, twittered merrily in their
I rt|M n, and the old clock ticked in the corner.

Hill meals were extremely simple and nourishing. Fresh milk,
h» lurad, and farinaceous food, which our hostess could prepare
il» h) MMisly, pleased our leader most of all. After our meals, we used to
Mil .11 I lie round table or on the long bench by the green stove. What
wiiit.tfipliere could be more suitable in which to spin out the thread of
. I ho 1 1 it till late at night, to contemplate in our intimate circle of
. ‘.hjciitial friends, and to care for Germany’s resurrection? In
1 1.. iiaii(|uillity of Obersalzberg, our leader has often designed his most
hM|M»iiaut plans, made his greatest decisions, and perfected the schemes
|..« (lie most eventful demonstrations.

< ►ii l«)nely walks, our leader would collect his thoughts for new,

• .live work. Adolf Hitler’s favourite walk was through woods and
ii.. .».|o\vH to ” Hochlenzer,” to Scharitzkehl,” and to ” Vorder-
((♦.»• Ill ” On the outskirts of the woods above the Platterhof, lies a
KHiiill monument, with inscriptions inserted by Peter Rosegger and

luird Voss; it recalls memories of Judith Platter, mistress of the
Mtiieihof, and heroine of the latter author’s well-known romance,

/wri Mcnschen.” After our leader’s wish, a monument in memory
mI hirtrieli Eckart is shortly to be erected upon the neighbouring
hill, winch lies between Wachenfeld ” and ”Platterhof.” He has
Mill iinie-d the design of this monument to a local sculptor.

Wliui a broad, open view from this height ! Far below, lies the
{‘■HI ihIc of the Bertesgaden gorge — of incomparable beauty. The
i’t) «d, irregular hills rise steeply all around us; our leader loves
« I.. Ml no much. The blue, icy glacier of the Hochalter ” gleams above
u ” ls-in|^’ Watzmann ” with his seven stone children raises his jagged
< <‘\ lo heaven, the ‘* Untersberg,” subject of many fairy tales, bears • I 11 liiM broad shoulders the unwilling load of the Austrian border – |. .niiiiij^ two Nations of common blood and common tongue. The ‘•-.Mill ol the ” Reiteralp ” soars high over the ** Ramsau,” behind the Miiiicmcc.” But southwards, this glorious view, the meadows and it 44 WITH HITLER ON THE ROAD TO POWER sloping forests of ‘* Obersalzberg ” stretch over into the rugged walls rock of the high” Goll.” The wonder of the Konigsee ” — that green fairy, similar to nordic Fjord, bordered by precipices — flashes up in the depth b neath, behind the pastoral inn of ” Hochlenzer.” Further do after a walk of several hours, our leader would sometimes pay an ui expected visit to the boatman’s large inn. He would sit amidst nativ and tourists, to gather fresh strength for the homeward journey. When Adolf Hitler became Chancellor of the Reich, necessary alterations, which he himself designed, were effected at Wachenfeld. A drive was laid out for cars, the terraces were broadened, a garage and a small house for guests, besides a house for his guards, were erected. This extension was due to the numerous State visitor whom the Chancellor receives here for important discussions during hii holidays. But the atmosphere of the house has remained the same, anc ” Wachenfeld ” now forms a still finer feature of the landscape. But in front of the house, the old well still runs on the sloping meadc and the three shepherd dogs. Muck — Wolf and Blonda, our leader’ good friends — keep a sharp watch. CHAPTER XIX Our Movement Proves its Mettle. IK T 13th August, the broad masses realised that the N.S.D.A.P. 11 come to no understanding with von Papen’s cabinet, in which I irhcr was the real evil spirit. Mic atrocious judgment in Beuthen on 22nd August, by which five men were sentenced to death to avenge the death of one Polish • l^cnt, threw clear light upon the situation. Furthermore, the • i nmentwhich had meanwhile secured its position of power by ill ion of the Steel Helmets and German National People’s Party, ImhK the field against its isolated foe. TlK-y tried to wear our party down, and the time of political legacy- liiiiiiiii^’ began. It was a nerve-racking test, for they laid the most tiM >\y.A rous burdens upon our movement.

VVc were threatened with one dissolution of the Reichstag after
unntluT. The Conservative State Idea ” appropriated our ideas.
I I H most ancient political mummies of the past suddenly appeared upon
.1.. M cne, and, without shame, claimed the credit for our previous
iimcsscs.

Our leader was brought before the Supreme Court, and forced
wear to obey all constitutional laws. Now, as they would have
I i . cp their pledge — which was our leader’s view due after his oath of
>;i:ince — new constitutional projects were introduced to the ex-
I hiHion of the old-fashioned parliamentarism.”

Tlicy wanted to ” anticipate the Dritte Reich ” of the N.S.D.A.P.
mill lo deprive the party of the reward of its 13 years’ work, by means of
jnililical trickery.

( )i)r leader allowed nothing to divert him from his purpose. Dur-
ing the hatching of plots in Berlin, he drew fresh strength from the
liinvcment, and from the graves of its heroes. Throughout the
luuntry, he found that deep, moral connection between the movement
rtiid the people, upon which he built.

‘ ‘ 1 )issolution ? A hundred times for our sake ! We shall be the victors.
I iiiM not losing my nerve. My will is not to be shaken, and my stamina
U >.Mi-ater than that of my opponents. The day shall dawn, when not
• inly tlie German Reichstag, but the whole of Germany shall glisten
with brown. You refuse to believe it, but it shall come true ! ‘* These
wrrr the w^ords of our leader.

Mi^anwhile,our 230 members of the Reichstag launched the attack.
On 30th August, Lobe, who had shirked war service, had to make
wuy for the former warrior, Hermann Goring. In the presence of the
Hvu h President, Goring, now appointed President of the Reichstag,
put forth practical proposals to prevent any untimely dissolution of
\\\v Kcichstag.

A masterly move, which Adolf Hitler directed at lightening speed
loin the adjoining palace of the Reichstag President during that

45

46 WITH HITLER ON THE ROAD TO POWER

memorable 20 mmutes interval of 12th September, enabled Goring
forestall Reichkanzler Papen’s surprise attack. The defeat of th
government— before they could prevent it— was proved by the vote
confidence, after which they received only 42 votes against 212 Th=
made It evident to the whole world— although the formal consequenc”
would not ensue— that this cabinet lacked the support of the people

Papen did not resign. The Reich President dissolved the Reichsta J
On 17th September, the cabinet decided upon a further election!
proclaimed for 6th November. I
As we began our fourth flight over Germany on 11th October, oul
leader knew that he was entering upon the most severe election carnl
paign which the N.S.D.A.P. had ever had to survive. The camj
paign of 1932 had entered upon a phase of strategical decision ]
On 31st July, the N.S.D.A.P. stood at the zenith of its ascent. Sincl
that date, for 2 J months, the struggle had raged without any decisioj
coming even withm sight. The majority of voters could not grasi
the situation, everything was against us. The drift-wood had to floal
on. Moral and physical weakening had to be feared amongst the feeblel
elements. Numerous losses were inevitable. But if the germ o]
despondency once spread abroad, it might lead to a catastrophe. 1
Adolf Hitler fully realised that in this phase of the struggle, in whicll
the fortune of war usually wavers, the greatest perseverance and strengJ
w-arrant the decision. He counted upon this principle. As the powel
of decision ay m his own hands, he foresaw the final victory witl
mathematical precision— provided that the movement held out 1
The movement’s faith in its leader during these months is bey on J
all praise. Ado f Hitler now reaped the reward of 13th Augustl
Loyalty for loyalty. During the 50 great meetings of this electioJ
campaign, we recognised this faith in the deafening cheers of thl
crowds, we read it in the eyes of the enthusiastic masses. Undoubtedlvl
the people stood fast to Adolf Hitler ! With a light conscience, an j
out of inner conviction I was able to foretell this conclusion to thl
public four days before 6th November. 1
As a result of this Nibelungen Faith our opponents’ hopes crashed o J
6th November. And, what many people had at first thought to be J
defeat proved really the greatest moral success. Under the mos
ditticult conditions imaginable, under an oppression which no othe
political organisation in the worid would have borne, our movemen
stood as firm and as resolute as ever. It emerged from the m
Ivllhttrr struggle with 196 seats, and morally stronger f

The N S.D.A.P. had proved its mettle. For our leader, it prove
undeniably that he could operate with his movement as a politic
instrument of power, come what may

CHAPTER XX

The Youth Under the Hooked Cross.

tiih and National Socialism possess mutual characteristics, they
li iiiiatcly a twofold expression of one and the same idea. Youth is
1 1 iij^gle for a new, progressive form of life. National Socialism is
i)siiHsed will of Youth. German Youth and National Socialism
Mir mvvai clly one body, like Spring and Nature rising to fresh Hfe.
‘I ‘he material and moral burden of the unprincipled November
and of the Nation’s despair, weighed most heavily upon the
i.iM post-war Youth. The war had stood by the cradle of this
Ml, and now no light arose to brighten the darkness of its future. It
. I in National Socialism its own counterpart, and the new form
iiional life as the means of moulding its progressive powers for
im. r development. Is it not natural that Adolf Hitler’s call found
III I lie soil in the hearts of the German Youth, and that this Youth
brlnre the drowsy bourgeoisie had realised what this meant — poured
iiilo ihc brown ranks to fight for Germany’s honour and resurrection ?

” < ‘onquer the Youth and the Future is Yours ” — runs an only too
i.,,. political proverb. Why could our Liberal-Democratic-Marxist
..|.|.niu’nts, who were for ever quoting this proverb, win neither the
nor the Future? The explanation is simple. Because these
Ml (progressive men of yesterday could not even understand the deeper
HIM \nc of this proverb, in their superficial observation of things. Conquer
Hie ^outh and the Future is Yours. Yes I But the Youth only
I. r longs to the Conqueror of the Future ! The Nation’s future lay in
ilir National Socialist Idea, in the youthful movement born from the
womb of the Nation, and which swept away all old party-formations.
ItH longing for a new idea, and its pure, instinctive feeling, enabled our
N Outli to appreciate the movement’s decisive value for the future, and
» lir size of our leader’s personality.

The Youth stood by Hitler, because it knew that he personified the
Nation’s Youth. It bears his name with pride.

I’Yom the beginning, our leader has valued most highly the immense
importance of Youth for the movement. Not the old generation, but a

I ising generation, uncorrupted by the destructive poison of the world
i«lca of the ruling classes, could bear the new Germany upon its should-
♦ is. The German Youth’s ardent idealism, unencumbered and un-
pcr verted, was still the Nation’s living stream of power, which was to
umpire the movement, and could ultimately rouse the entire Nation

I I om its lethargy to a great elevation.

The Young Germany is the offspring of two elements, the enthusiasm
< > f Youth, and the National Socialist Idea.

Our leader has always devoted especial attention to systematic
acquisition and concentration of youthful followers. He mainly
railed upon very youthful followers to build up the German community,
which begins with childhood and ends with old age. The gathering of

47

48 WITH HITLER ON THE ROAD TO POWER

the Youth at Potsdam on 2nd October, 1932, in which parade more than
70,000 Hitler Boys and German Girls marched, shall ever be one of the
proudest memories of the National Socialist Youth of the time of the
great struggle.

The German Youth’s day of victory on 2nd September, 1933, in
the Nuremburg stadium, on the occasion of the Reich Party Day, was
the coronation of the Youth’s indefatigable work of struggle, which’shall
be continued with the assistance of the State— the State of the German
Youth. That meritorious organiser of the Youth, Baldur von Schirach,
has to-day united under his administration the youngest children, the
Hitler Youth, the Association of German Girls, School and Student
Leagues. These are the centres of the German Youth’s education
and political training in the idealistic spirit of National Socialism.

Youth shall lead Youth,” is the psychologically correct observation,
the sound principle of Adolf Hitler; the former civic education of our
Youth has had to suffer grave defects through failure to observe this
principle. What was the use of the civic complaint against the poli-
ticisation of the Youth,” if it is known that their neglect of the Youth
was one of the main causes for the silently accepted downfall of the
former State } It is better to educate the Youth from earliest years to
the new State idea, for the Nation, than to surrender the Youth in
later years to foreign influences and to tempters, when they have no
strength of opinion with regard to world aflPairs and politics. National
Socialism considers the world conceptive and political education of our
Youth towards German idealism, to be of vital necessity for the German
Nation— a conviction from which our leader shall never be shaken.

But it is not only this natural interest for State and for politics, but
probably still more his national-human affection, which explains our
leader’s great love and estimation for the German Youth. The German
Youth— this I can state, based on impressions from all my personal
experiences— is like a ray of sunshine in Adolf Hitler’s hard life of
toil. Hundreds of times I have noticed our leader’s pure delight when
he sees German children. Whether they greet him with flowers dur-
mg a meeting, or whether they crowd round our cars, cheering and
saluting, It is^the same, ” I do love them, these smiling boys and fair-
haired girls ‘ — he often says, when we have passed a young joyful
throng.

Seldom does our leader pass Hitler boys or Hitler girls, without
giving them a coin or two. His delight in the Youth is always the same.
When the Hitler Youth marches past with the band playing, or when
we come upon a demonstration of the Youth, then our leader’s face
hghts up, and his clear blue eyes become especially bright. The
Youth’s devotion to their leader rests upon mutual affection, for Adolf
Hitler loves the German Youth, just as it adores him.

He sees our Nation’s entire hope and confidence in the German
Youth, he sees in it the living security for our future, and our Nation’s
future existence. It is, therefore, natural that he looks upon it from
the national and racial point of view. * * I would not consider Germany’s
future so secure, if our race did not possess such fine children,” he
remarked a short time ago. From his own observations, he has come
to the conclusion that Germany’s racial improvement is increasing.

THE YOUTH UNDER THE HOOKED CROSS 49

National Socialism is conscious of the fact that the Youth as purest
expression of the movement’s storming, revolutionary spirit, carries its
future on its own shoulders. Thus the eternal stream of Youth, which
has elevated our movement and which for ever recreates a new spirit in
it, shall never stagnate. And so, if individual leaders should diminish
their energy, other young and strong-willed forces must step forth to
carry on the flag. It should be understood: The individual may gain
immortal credit for the movement as a pioneer in one of its most
eventful epochs, and yet the deserved reward should neither hinder the
movement’s progress at the expense of the movement and its gigantic
national goal, nor stem its elan. The National Socialist Movement
has never acted thus, and it shall never be so, neither in principle nor
on any future occasion.

The young, strong-willed forces rising from below, and in which
unawakened talent slumbers, must always find open the door upon which
is written the word: action. If deadlock, retrogression, and old age,
doomed the others to death, then National Socialism shall ever joyfully
proclaim the right of Youth.

In the new State, an especially responsible task has arisen for the
German woman chosen to direct the German Youth. German women
have always recognised this task, as, in the previous struggle, they have
given such brilUant example of steadfast faith, unselfish devotion, and
unexampled loyalty to the German movement for liberty.

Women are the best propagandists for the National Socialist
Movement, especially in their true field of operation, so immensely
important for the movement — with the Youth and in the family circle.
Our leader has frequently enough expressed his especially high opinion
of women. He knows what the movement has to owe to the woman,
as the steadfast element influenced by no wavering intellectualism.

*’ Women have saved the movement often enough,” our leader once
said to me, as, touched by the great devotion and faith which they have
expressed to him, he spoke about women. ” But for the help of women
in 1924, after my confinement, I could scarcely have re-organised
the party.” In times, when political and personal disappointments fell
thick and fast, and even the intellect of men began to waver, women
have given unforgettable proof of their faith in the National Socialist
Idea, by their steadfast belief and their instinctive feeling.

And although to-day, the greatest enthusiasm for Adolf Hitler and
for the National Socialist Movement is to be found in the hearts of
German women, although our movement — most unjustly — is accused
of depriving women of their political rights, this proves conclusively
that the German woman, obeying the voice of her innermost character,
has not desired to play an active part in politics, and has never felt
happy, if engaged in this political activity. Adolf Hitler has won
the hearts of German women for himself and for the movement,
because he has re-established heroism and manly training in the Ger-
man Nation, because he has restored the right of life of the German
Youth, the liberty and the dignity of the Nation. Thus Germany’s
future really lies finally also in the hands of the German woman, in
the education of her children.

Thus these lines should dedicate a simple monument to the unknown
German wcinan, who believes in Hitler and executes such brave
accomplishments for her German mission.

CHAPTER XXI

Interlude.

The outward results of the 6th November were very soon made
manifest. In face of the political and economic situation, for ever
becommg more untenable, the public cry for Hitler grew louder and
louder. But the proposals which the government hastened to lay
betore all those who were ” prepared to co-operate with it,” resembled
the demands of parliamentarians, who come with the white flag to invite
generd”^^ Victor to submit himself to the leadership of the defeated

A November, von Papen invited our leader to fresh discussion.

Adolt Hitler declined. He wanted to save Germany and not the cabinet.
1 here was to be no repetition of 13th August !

Furthermore, Papen’s resignation on 17th November, which now
directly remitted the political decision to the Reich President, did
not deceive our leader as to the real situation. As, on the same day,
the telegraphic invitation arrived from the State Secretary, Meissner
for a visit to the Reich President on 19th November, Adolf Hitler
was on his guard after the experiences of the last months. He demand-
ed all points of discussion to be laid down in form of writ.

The events which now followed, from 19th— 23rd November
are to the greatest extent known by the official publication of each one
oftheorigmal documents. On 19th November at 11.30 a.m., ourleader
visited the Reich President. As he left the Reichskanzler’s office,
anudst cheering crowds, everybody expected a Hitler Cabinet.

Our leader knew that this was not to be so. Nobody in our head-
quarters, in the Kaiserhof, had any doubt. If Hitler is not President
now, then he will be m four months time. He can wait ! ” wrote
Reichsbank President Dr. Schacht.

On Monday, the 21st November, 10.30 a.m., the second conference
with the Reich President took place, whilst on the previous day,
Reichstag President Goring, after arrival from Rome in a record flight
enquired for an informatory enlightenment upon the situation within
the parties.

J^l S?2^^P°?*^^’^^^’ w^^c^ followed between ourleader

and the Office of the Reich President, revealed Adolf Hitler’s supre-
macy over the government in its entire magnitude. This correspond-
dence is an historical document.

As the negotiations threatened to drift into constitutional dis-
cussions on the part of his opponents, on 23rd November, Adolf
Hitler abruptly cut the Gordian knot through his treatise to the Reich
President, in which he, with quite clearly outlined proposals, placed him-
leadersh^ ^ disposal to form a government under his responsible

They were the same national, political principles and constitutional
maxims, upon which, two months later, our leader formed his govem-

50

INTERLUDE

51

ment for the Nation*s rise. At that time, however, the Reich President
still thought that he must refuse these proposals.

But this time, our opponents’ tactics, as exponent of which, General
von Schleicher revealed himself more and more clearly, were thwarted
by Hitler before the entire public. The government press office still
tried at the last moment to prevent publication of the correspondence,
that is to say, to delay it until they had informed the press. But this
was in vain. By means of a press conference, assembled at lightning
speed, we succeeded in beating the government for the decisive half-
hour.

We handed over the original documents to the press, at the same
moment as Hitler’s final letter was delivered in the Wilhelmstrasse,
The world could now form its own judgment. Adolf Hitler was
justified in the eyes of the whole world !

” There shall be a new cabinet with a few outward alterations, but
of the same spirit. And in a few months, its end shall be worse than
its beginning is to-day. Then the hour shall come when we must be
summoned for the third time.”

Thus did our leader speak on 26th November with true prophecy, on
the return drive from Berlin to Weimar.

CHAPTER XXII

In the Kaiserhof.

The name of this hotel on the Wilhelmplatz in Beriin is closelv
associated with the history of the N.S.D.A.P., and with ks decisfve
stniggle for power. Every child knew it; our leader made Tt his
head-quarters, whenever his presence was requested in the capital
dujmg the last years for conferences with the highest offidals oTIhe

fhlwf” “i^t’ Kaiserhof ! ” If the papers bore this headline
then the whole public, the whole world, held its breath, thenlhe
officials on either side of the Wilhelmstrasse felt nervous. And ever
anew, our leader’s hard struggle with his foes began

Howmuch has been written aboutthe Kaiserhof ! And furthermore
what decisions, of most vital importance have been made here whai
critical scenes have been staged within these walls ! The Nationa

andTn ! K°^’°^”^ °^ great dircreS

and m extreme obedience to orders.

This ” First Class Hotel ” still gave our opponents’ press-as our

kader never did what the press system hoped for-material f^r Z

t’l?/r°’J’-‘^”‘”°”:. °u”^ ^””^ ‘”‘”^’^y ^-“^^^d the Kaiser-

hof than intrigues and phantastic interpretations began, gigamic
lies were spread abroad with the intention of influencing the course of
events to our detriment. ^ i-uursc oi

” The Worker’s Leader in the Hotel de Luxe,” thus ran the eternallv
recurring refrain of the papers of those parti;s, whose stout leTders

anTotent kt’ ?a~ ” °^ ‘^^^-‘^^

Why did our leader choose this hotel for his office, with its comforts
and modern conveniences which we used so little .? The atmosphere of
such a hotel meant little to us, and still less to our leaderwho chose
these head -quarters for the following reasons

tJZlhif’f °i ‘^™S8’*’ leader’s duty

towards his party to consider the mentality and psychology of the other
negotiators. In this respect, the Kaiserhof was “representative ”

furthermore, and this was an important reason, the Kaiserhof’s
location distinctly symbolised the world conceptive struggle of he two
antipodes the final struggle of the new Ger^anv against the ™ined
system of the ancient regime. From his office, Adolf Hitler looked out
on to the old Reichskanzler’s Office on the other side of the Wilhelm.

J^^’-%*^foe^’ ™i°es were laid, and where they cunninriy
schemed how to close the door to power, even now, in the face of the
advancing movement.

of horror:” Hannibal ante portas,” which had once struc

aIiTwI?”^ f ^T- “^A”^^^ ^^-^^h^^d soon as

Adolf Hitler entered the Kaiserhof. Already the outward picture as
the negotiations ran their course, offered an evident par2 IdoTf

52

IN THE KAISERHOF

53

Hitler was standing before the gates — not of Berlin, whose inner soul he
had long conquered — he was beseiging, and was to conquer, the nouse
from which Bismarck had governed the German Reich.

Owing to the complete deficiency of the police force and of ail
means of power of the State, a further reason recommended the Kaiser-
hof, which lies within the area in which demonstrations were prohibited.

Our leader worked day and night in his hotel, and made the most
important decisions under heaviest responsibility. He held vital
preparatory conferences for these decisions, and therefore neither
could nor would expose himself to demonstrations of any kind. He had
to insist on no disturbance from Marxist processions, nor from the
howls of passing Communist demonstrators, during his hours of work.

What were these head-quarters like, and how did things run on one
of our great days of struggle ? They could best be compared with a
camp. Everything bore the character of a temporary situation. As
quickly as we appeared, we vanished equally unexpectedly. Some-
times we only engaged rooms for the day, and spent only a few hours
in the Kaiserhof. Sometimes we had to pack within a few minutes. I
picture us now leaving the hotel in furious haste ten minutes before the
departure of the Munich express, and hurrying into our cars for the
fast drive to the railway station.

During his stay in this hotel, our leader seldom left his room to come
down to the round table reserved for him, his followers and visitors,
in the corner of the lounge. He nearly always stayed in his rooms on
the first floor, where he usually had his meals.

In his reception room, one conference succeeded another until late
at night. The telephone was always ringing in his hall. The hotel
telephone was never so busy. The staff performed wonderful service,
and took the greatest trouble to connect the ceaseless number of calls.

Things were lively in the hotel hall, where there was a perpetual
coming and going. The deep carpets deadened the sound of footsteps.
The leaders of the movement, government officials, diplomatic and
economic visitors were always being announced. Downstairs, and in
their offices, our leader’s adjutant, his head of press, and other staff
members, received visitors. Typewriters were installed in our simple
office, and worked all the time.

Reporters from the home and foreign press beseiged the hotel. The
pro -government press had mobilised their smartest reporters. Press
meetings, always overcrowded, were held in the Kaiserhof at each criti-
cal phase of the struggle.

During such active work, we frequently forgot our meals, and
sometimes fasted the whole day. We were in Berlin, yet saw nothing of
the city. Sometimes a whole week elapsed without our leaving the
hotel. We only went to bed long after midnight. A few hours sleep,
and a fresh day’s routine began.

Our leader dominated every hour confidently and calmly, he held
the threads in his hands. During critical moments, while the pro –
government press traced phantastic pictures of ” severe conflicts,”
” turbulent scenes,” and ‘* nervousness ” in the Kaiserhof, thus puzzling
not over their own affairs, but over Adolf Hitler’s, the latter sat calmly
working in his office. He, who could alone survey the situation, dia-

54 WITH HITLER ON THE ROAD TO POWER

tinguished between his true and false friends, to decide upon what he
thought beneficial for the Nation.

Many a visit, many a negotiation, were abandoned without result.
Finally, on 30th January, 1933, our leader made the short drive over the
Wilhelmsplatz to the Reichskanzler’s Office. Amidst boundless cheers.
The seige was over, the fortress had fallen, the gates lay open.

CHAPTER XXIII

How Our Leader Dictates.

I have seen Adolf Hitler the fighter, the Statesman, and the Man.
Yet I have never seen the power of his personality more cliaractci iHti-
cally and more originally expressed than during those hour8 in which
he designed and drew up his great, decisive state political dcclarat umn.

The proclamations of the former governments, and similar Rtatc
manifestoes of former chancellors, bore a more or less distinct truce
of combined work, in which the hand of numerous co-operators wai
discernible.

There are still many Germans to-day who think it almost undcrstootl
that the contents and style of Adolf Hitler’s masterly, programmaticai,
governmental proclamations, and of his other important decrees, arc
not entirely composed by his own intellect, but somehow contain
also the ideas of official or non-official co-operators.

If I contradict this opinion from my own knowledge, and from niy
personal experience of Adolf Hitler’s work, then I hope to paint tlir
finishing touches of the picture of Adolf Hitler’s personality, for wlnt li
these pages are to serve.

Adolf Hitler’s decrees and proclamations, both as leader and an
Chancellor, are his own work from first to last !

Adolf Hitler has a special way of writing and dictating, whicli cor-
responds entirely to his creative nature. It is always an inijiressivc
experience for anybody, fortunate enough to be within his most intiinato
circle, to observe the design, the composition, and the formation, of
his political decisions.

All are astounded at his resolute ideas and his fine thoughts, by which
our leader masters the grave problems, the solution of which is Inn
responsibility. These ideas are often impulsive, and arc (piiekly
expressed in the course of conversations. He often wrestles wiih
problems, and fights a long moral struggle, but always conscious <»f victory, and with the confident feehng that his intellectual supremacy comprises the solution. If this solution is found in principle, and it« tactical treatment deeply studied, then our leader dictates his ideas in a continuous flow. Naturally, such a dictation, delivered immediately, and which considers and surveys every political factor, demands immense con- centration. This is only possible in absolute privacy and seclusion. During such hours, when our leader dictates, undisturbed in hin private office, the creative power of his personality comes into full play. The mere outward observer beholds a picture of concentrated intellect – ual strength. Completely absorbed in his thoughts, our leader nsually paces the room with firm steps as he dictates. Without elfort, lie frames the flow of his ideas in words and sentences, and models thcni into a conclusive, unassailable, and skilful form. After a brief revision the dictated work is issued for publication. This small sketch is typical 55 56 WITH HITLER ON THE ROAD TO POWER of the absolutely independent and self-conscious character of our leader’s work. If the entire German Nation, yes, even the world, admire to-day Adolf Hitler’s statesmanlike proclamations as political masterpieces, then it should be emphasised, with all modesty, that our leader has not developed his respective qualities and accomplishments merely since his appointment as Reichskanzler. He utilised them as leader of the N.S.D.A.P. throughout the struggle. For 14 years, the same spirit has inspired his decrees and proclama- tions, which have always been of the same spiritual, penetrative power as they are to-day. The fact that they did not come far sooner to the ear of the German Nation, and of the world, is in no way due to the inconstancy of their creator, but to the inadequacy of the potentates, who withheld from the German Nation these expressions of the will of an ingenious politician, and who to-day admire what they scorned only yesterday. What fills us National Socialists with pride and satisfaction to-day, may be a lesson to others for the future. CHAPTER XXIV Where is Hitler } The political lie has played a prominent role in all epochs of parlia- mentary history. But such accumulations of lies and defamations as our opponents have hurled against the awakening young Germany in the course of our 13 years’ struggle, have not yet been experienced. What National Socialist’s blood does not boil, if he recalls that rapid fire of press lies, that witches sabbath of infernal songs of hatred, which burst upon the National Socialist Movement every day ? The activity of the Marxist Press against National Socialism, by means of profligacy, unscrupulous lies and base agitation of the public, stands unrivalled throughout the press of the whole world. But this systematic lying campaign of our opponents was always the best evidence of the moral weakness of their own position. The more desperate their situation was, the more unscrupulous became their press agitation. And what their blind hatred intended for us, has now reflected upon themselves. The agitation of the Jewish-Marxist Press against the N.S.D.A.P., has been such an essential ingedient of our opponents’ struggle during all these years, that we would be guilty of historical forgery if we did not lay due stress upon this lying campaign in our description of the events. The tenor, with which the Jewish-Marxist Press accompanied our leader’s noteworthy journey from Munich to Weimar on 29th to 30th November, is probably the most characteristic example. What did it concern ^ Von Papen’s cabinet was at an end. Herr von Schleicher wove his web. He tried to entice our leader to Berlin, to play the N.S.D.A.P.’s trump-card to his own advantage. We knew that Schleicher hoped to succeed where Papen had failed : to harness the N.S.D.A.P. as horse to his own cart. Our leader was to come to Berlin, to walk into the spider’s parlour. Adolf Hitler saw no inducement to do so; he left the question open. But Schleicher was convinced that our leader would come. The hostile Press announced it in every kind of tone. They made it look as if Hitler’s readiness to negotiate with Schleicher was quite certain. With, malicious joy, they announced that Hitler would bow to Schleicher. They kindled the flame of agitation, and speculated upon a party split, at which Schleicher secretly aimed. Schleicher’s press was on our track. On the evening of 29th November, the station platforms in Munich were watched, to cable to Berlin by which train Adolf Hitler had left. But already on the afternoon of 29th November, our leader had firmly made up his mind not to go to Berlin, but to give Schleicher the cold shoulder, and to go to the election campaign in Thiiringen. The authoritative leaders of our movement were summoned to Weimar for a conference next day. 57 58 WITH HITLER ON THE ROAD TO POWER Everything went according to plan. Two night trains from Munich to Berhn leave shortly after each other. But only one of them stops in Jena, the junction for Weimar. At first, our leader accidentally got into tlie wrong train, which leaves at 9. 19 p.m., and does not stop at Jena. Only at the last moment did we change into the other train. Schaub, who saw to our night’s comfort, could no longer secure sufficient sleepers for this second Berlin train, leaving at 9.20 p.m., so that some of the escort had to sleep in the compartment. And while the press wired to the world the news of our leader’s departure by the Berlin night train, we lay down to rest, only to get out at Jena at 5.20 a.m. to con- tinue our journey to Weimar. The National Socialist Police Official ° ‘Tvu^^”^^^ ‘^”^^^ awaiting us at Jena station, to fetch us in his car. The Berlin morning papers screamed with glaring headlines of Hitler s arrival in the capital. The world swallowed it. His impend- mg ” Fall ” was to be the sensation of the day. But at 8 a.m., the camera m.en and representatives of the world press, froni the Jerusalemer and Koch Strasse, stood in vain at the Anhalter Station. _ There were bewildered faces, for Hitler was not to be seen. Desperation reigned in the editorial offices. What was to be done ? They were full of resources and made a virtue of necessitv. Where is Hitler } ” The noon papers appeared with this four-column riddle. Berlin was upside down. Where is Hill er } Meanwhile, news came from Weimar. It could no longer be kept secret that Hitler was not in Berlin, but in Weimar. And now, the ridiculed apostles of agitation, impotent in their anger, took to the most grotesque lies. The Marxist Papers and Jewish Gazettes, with incomparable imper- tinence, informed their readers that Goring, duping Strasser and trick, had gone by night to Jena to meet his leader en route to Berlin. VVith jingling spurs, he had entered Hitler’s train. He had knocked at the door of the sleeper with his fist. He had dragged his frightened, drowsy leader out of bed, and, after a short explanation, literally carried him out of the train, only half dressed, to prevent his journey to Berlin. Actually, Goring, Frick and Strasser, in obedience to their leader’s orders of the day before, left Berlin and arrived at Weimar at noon for the conference. Dr. Goebbels was already there. Staff-leader Rohm was not amongst our leader’s escort, and Goring only left Berlin for V\ eimar on the morning of 30th November at 8.50 a.m. Thus shamefully did they lie, in writing and illustration, not once, but daily, lliese papers could no longer exist without their daily Hitler he. They knew that their hour of doom would have struck if we came to power. ‘ That was the ” Journaille,” which shall be impossible in the New Germany. The spiritual reformation of German journalism, on which we are working, has wiped out this stain of the past. We shall re- establish the German Press as a responsible and valuable profession, as the effective and honourable instrument of German politics, German nationality, and German culture. m CHAPTER XXV The Last Man. The political crisis of the Papen-Schleicher Cabinet lasted a fortnight. Papen or Schleicher, Schleicher or Papen, this was the tone of the mad confusion for two weeks. Adolf Hitler’s cool aloofness increased the confusion of our opponents to immeasurable dimensions. In vain did Schleicher telephone to Weimar, in vain did he implore Goring’s aid, and in vain did he send Major Otte as his plenipotentiary to our leader. He requested Hitler to meet him and the Reich Presi- dent on 1st December at 11.30 a.m. Adolf Hitler enquired, through Meissner, whether the subject of discussions was to be his own plan of solution to the government’s crisis. As this was not to be so, our leader wrote a polite letter of refusal. Now, he either wanted power or struggle. Schleicher came out victorious from the secret drama of the for- mation of the cabinet. On the 2nd of December he received the order to form a cabinet, and he was appointed Chancellor on the 3rd. ” The man who has no nerves,” ” The man with the Iron Mask,” at last stepped forth from the gloom into the full limelight of publicity. This was good. Now the time had come to cross swords with him, face to face in the open arena. The time was ripe for the fall of the last man of the old system. Hitler’s shadow lay over Schleicher. Our leader had long recognised Schleicher as an irresolute waverer. Already his first week in office enlightened the world on this point. Once more Schleicher tried his luck. Contrary to our leader’s express command, Strasser had entered into negotiations with the government — 3. matter which was kept strictly secret from Adolf Hitler. But even this attempt of Schleicher’s to cause a split in the party, fell through. The loyalty of the movement was unshakeable. Intrigues were at an end. Now, Schleicher had to govern. Schleicher’s Government proclamation, broadcast on 15th December, was the first serious disillusionment. ** Is that all ? ” asked the public, astounded. His remedies for unemployment were entirely lacking in ideas, and aroused the greatest antagonism within his own cabinet. In despair, he, the Chancellor of the “Authoritative Government,” sought help from the parties, from the Marxists, and from the Trades Unions. Nothing was achieved. Exasperation and indignation spread throughout the Nation. Schleicher’s Cabinet developed into a Cabinet of consummate perplexity. Schleicher’s irresolution became proverbial. Not ” Dic- tator ” but Cunctator ! ” Following in Briining’s footsteps, he proclaimed ” Civic Peace.” Our leader knew how to profit from this civic peace. He held a general review of the party throughout the land, for the moral and organisatory amament of the N.S.D.A.P. for the last, decisive struggle. 59 60 WITH HITLER ON THE ROAD TO POWER I’lrf*””^ j” ‘*^F’f by the man who brings the last evy of men and the last battalion on to the battlefield ‘ ” ^ th. offi™r’f”‘f^ ‘mpressive response to this general appeal to all the olBcial leaders of the movement could strengthen our leader’s assurance that he possessed invincible forces What I saw during this tour through every district of the Reich was an unshakeable phalanx of hardened’warriors, whose hearts werTso ^inrd”l^”r.’*t,’°/^” Movlement that nothin” could detach hem from the.r voluntarily undertaken task ” Un this soil, a new German generation, full of decision and power of fts na tlvefanT^” °’ G^™^- ‘^’d7o”nd The New Year should find us prepared. CHAPTER XXVI Interlude in Cologne. nnSi””^”?’! * S’^* politician must possess. Our leader possesses it to a most extraordinary degree as a resource for h”s careful preparations of secret political actions, just as much as he opens hi heart to those m whom he has once pinned full confidence ^ I w-as never more clearly conscious of this fact than on the occasion of that noteworthy drive to Cologne, on 4th January, 1933 n.rffi’f ^”’i’ i^”’ P^^”^ “””^^ ‘° ‘”^ ‘^”‘1 °” 2nd January. ” De- parture for election campaign in Lippe,” so ran our orders in Munich on 3rd January. We knew that our leader intended to open tht campaign on 4th January in Detmold. We did not yet take thTtrain to Hanover, but the train to the Rhineland. None of us knew the rea on for this detour, our leader did not mention it. We all got out at Bonn early next morning. Schreck was at the station with our leader’s car, to drive us to Godesberg in the eariv morning. We made a short stop for breakfast. A closed car drove nn our leader got m and drove away. His destination was unknot “o u^’ Uur instructions were to drive on to Cologne in his car, and to wait 3 kilometres the other side of Cologne, on thi road to Dussddorf We arrived there at noon. We waited in the wet and co d To evSv WnTf “P ‘”‘^ ^-d. talking and makilg hIdLw ^°”Jf””‘ “1*° ‘”‘^”^ l^^der could be. Nobodf had a clue, or any idea as to the importance of this separation ^ 1 wo hours later, the closed car from Bonn drove up to us and stooned Our leader got out and changed into his car. The closed car turned round and drove off towards Cologne. As we drove on to Dusseldorf, our leader hinted that hp ha,l h;.\ mterview with a political personality. Somehow i en ed that he la Sfthaf ‘4’ were’ 7^ ^”‘^'”^ 1 “^’^ “>’^’-‘°- Wei
other tL^. V to^’^^ds a great decision. Somehow or

other, the New Year must bring the great decision.

VVe were late. We tore through the industrial district at a ereat
speed. It was soon dark on this dull winter’s dav. The rain pattered

in the car Nobody wanted to ask a question. Our leader was silent
„^^^’!r^”°Vyet told where he had been, nor with wW
We passed through Essen in the late aftenwon. I piloted the c.r

The

The sky was crimson above the Krupp Works. How often 111^1

rdaTive in t^t^^^ ° <^^”?^J.”‘°/’ght. In tliis house lives some
relative in that one some good friend. I saw acciuaintanccs i.,ss l.v
. school fnend recogni,.c passed, we made no stop. Our time is always cxactl^ c^lculau.d-

61

62 WITH HITLER ON THE ROAD TO POWER

and this time we were late, as our leader had been detained. Still, our
leader intended to open the election campaign that night.

We passed Bochum, Dortmund, Unna and Soest. The red glow of
furnaces flared up to heaven. Our leader looked at his watch, the
meeting in Detmold was waiting for us. Paderborn appeared, and then
after a long drive we safely reached our destination.

Like us, the audience had no idea that on this day our leader had
advanced the course of events in Cologne, and had made the moment
of decision even more imminent. We were all the more surprised, as,
on the very same day, the Berlin late evening papers gave a sensational
account of the interview between Adolf Hitler and von Papen in the
house of the banker Schroder in Cologne. Schleicher’s information
Office and his helpers who dogged our steps, had done good work.
But they could not prevent Papen’s intervention.

CHAPTER XXVn

The Turn of the Tide Begins in Lippe.

The noteworthy election in Lippe on 14th January, 1933, was to
provide the impetus for political events, which stood in inverse ratio, to
the size of this pretty State. Our leader foresaw tlie importance of a
really sweeping victory in this small place, but naturally without being
aware that the result of this election would already bring about the
utter collapse of the tottering system, and, to use a sporting term,
that this election already represented, *’ The final spurt ” before the
acceptance of power.

The silly sneers and the malicious comments with which the
Marxist Press hailed our extraordinary efforts in Lippe, produced the
exact contrary of the intended ” minimisation ” of this election. The
entire public now followed this ” insignificant ” election campaign
with even more intense eagerness.

But this was exactly what we wanted. By this small example, since
there was no greater opportunity at the moment, we wanted to
refute emphatically the theory of the “ebbing tide of National Social-
ism,” vigorously discussed since 6th November. The Jewish Press
wrote of the dove which Noah sent out to see whether the water had
abated. By this election, it was to be unanimously proved that the
dove had found no dry ground, that the waters were again rising
powerfully, irresistibly, and bursting all artificial dams. Brauns-
schweig and other States were to follow. Our new, powerful plan of
offensive was completed like the first wave of the tide, which was to
flow in March, when the expected new Reichstag election came.

From the first day to the last, our leader deliberately threw himself
into the thickest fray of the battle, and advanced the best orators of the
movement in concentrated attack. Thus he introduced entirely new
tactics. He visited the villages, and pitched his great tents in open
fields, and in sparsely populated, purely rural districts. But all the
people flocked to his meetings.

By these tactics, our leader also made every one of his 18 meetings
in the ” land of Hermann seem like a local event of the very first
order. In the large cities, followers and interested people of every
description packed our meetings. But they all came hither, irrespective
of their party, for scarcely any of them had ever seen or heard our
leader. This chance of a lifetime was not to be missed. The peasants
felt honoured that the leader of the German movement of liberty took
such trouble to visit them in their loneliness. And all, all came ! This
was just what our leader wanted.

The effect was tremendous. Adolf Hitler immediately felt the
mighty success, he saw how hardened enemies became enthusiastic
adherents, and how the misled multitude turned to us with joyful
hearts.

63

64 WITH HITLER ON THE ROAD TO POWER

It was icy cold in the meeting tents during those days of January.
All came in spite of this, the people’s mood changed from cold reserve
to unrestrained enthusiasm, which increased all the more the longer
our leader spoke. He was highly satisfied with such a visible success,
with such a tremendous effect. After the first meetings, he prophesied
our victory as already certain.

Our meeting tents were pitched in Schwalenberg, in Bosingfeld, in
Horn, in places previously not even known to us by name. But during
this election campaign, we had established our head-quarters in one of
the oldest and loveliest castles in the district. We left the castle at
about 6 o’clock every evening to traverse the country for two or three
meetings, and to return to our idyllic castle about midnight or even
later.

We had succeeded in keeping our magnificent head-quarters secret
from the entire public. No reporter could discover us. We arrived
and disappeared ; nobody knew whence and whither.

After our return, through the narrow entrance in the castle courtyard,
with its romantic surroundings and entwined we then enjoyed a
quiet peaceful hour by the flaring fireside with our host and his charm-
ing wife. Such hours of meditative conversation and relaxation were
rare in our hurried life. We could appreciate them all the more. Only
late did we part company.

This castle, where our leader for once found real rest in the midst of
the struggle, re-echoed the finest tradition. Ancestral paintings
recalled the history of this old family, the ruins of whose original
stronghold stand high up in the forest. An old executioner’s sword
hung over the fireplace. Everything was of purest simplicity. We
have happy memories of this castle to which we are still happy to return.

In Germany, power only falls to the man who has embedded
this power most deeply in the people.” Adolf Hitler spoke these words
in Schwalenberg on 8th January. A few days later, 47.8 per cent, of the
voters adhered to his flag. The movement stood — to the surprise of
our opponents — in a new, marked stage of development. We had
resumed the great oftensive at the very beginning of the year. The
world was dumbfounded, but nobody foresaw the events of a fortnight
ahead.

CHAPTER XXVIII

How the Movement Pierced the Barriers to the State.

On the last night of the election campaign, directly after our last
great meeting in Bad Lipspringe, we drove by car through the bitter
cold to Weimar, via Cassel. Our leader was happy over the accom-
plished work, and sure of the victory of the following day. But this
day — 15th January— already found him addressing ten thousand S.A.
men in Thiiringen, who had assembled in the Weimar market place.
From his car, in front of the Hotel Elephant in Weimar, he hurled once
more his war-cry into the Reich, in face of the victory in ” Hermanns-
land ” : ” The party remains true to its spirit of battle, with relentless
resolution. We must learn lessons from history to prevent a repetition
of Germany’s fate after the battle fought by Hermann the Cherusker.
Here in the heart of Germany, we promised to-day to fight the battle
until the goal is reached.”

Furthermore in the meeting of the party’s district leaders in Weimar,
our leader issued the order not to relax for a second, but to carry on
the offensive. Braunschweig, and then Hessen, were proposed as the
party’s fields of attack for the next election battles.

The consequences of our election victory of Lippe were very soon
perceptible in the ranks of our opponents. All the German agricultural
classes declared war upon the government. All reports from Berlin
confirmed the fact that Schleicher stood in hopeless isolation. ^ His
negotiations with the parties for a further formation of the cabinet
remained vain; even the ” Deutsch Nationalen ” (German Nationalists)
went over to the opposition. On 21st January, on the occasion of the
Horst Wessel Commemoration, our leader, instead of negotiating,
ordered his Berlin S.A. men to parade on the Biilow Platz, with
their front facing the Carl Liebknecht House. This was a bold
and brilliant demonstration of power, which the Commune, im-
potent and boiling with rage, was forced to witness.

Meanwhile, Goring, our leader’s political plenipotentiary, and Herr
von Papen, had not been inactive. The political atmosphere around
the Reich President’s Palace began to become more and more clear.
The last lies of the press, declaring that Adolf Hitler had now decided
to renounce the leadership, were— for us — merely a graduator of the
rapidly increasing weakness of the cabinet. However, they had a
political, hidden motive. As a last desperate resource, they oftered our
leader the ofiice of a kind of ” People’s Tribune “—a post intermediary
to the Chancellorship— which he was to fulfil as President of the
State’s Counsel.” Naturally, our leader icily refused. He intended to
be Chancellor and nothing else.

His gaze was fixed upon an approaching and finally decisive Reichstag
(lection, whkh he expected in March. But Schleicher’s cabinet
already lay at its last gasp. Events ran helter-skelter. Without
Hitler, the situation was untenable. At last, they called for our leader

65

66 WITH HITLER ON THE ROAD TO POWER

Hindenburg Herr vnn p7,!;„ . j ” ^^””^■■y- % order of
with ourkfder and brnnXAr*’?” g^^^’-“™^”^ negotiations

same day 5^ Lader drfw , V ° K-‘^’^PP^’ on^he very

hearts ^of all X expeTfeZeTandtrthf

years’ of moral oppSr Htw/f Vv,°\”^”’^’^^^^^ 1+
From the ReichsSferTriffl? f ^ ^^’^ mountains.

r/Jsj;rSS~:«S— ^^^^

F wcr lor me whole of Germany was centralised under the

PIERCING THE BARRIERS TO THE STATE 67

Reich. The Bavarian Government was expulsed on 9th March, and
General von Epp entered Munich for the second time, this time as
Keich Commissary. The Marxist Civic Deputies were expelled from
office on 12th March. On the same day-the Nation’s day of mourning
—Reichkanzler Adolf Hitler laid down a wreath at the Feldherrnhalle
in Munich, on the spot where the bullets of traitors claimed the first
victims from the movement on 9th November, 1923. On the ribbon
ot this wreath, the following words are written: “And you have trium-
phed in spite of all ! ” And on the same day, by order of the Reich Presi-
dent our leader was able to declare that the Hooked Cross flag, the flag of
the National Socialist Movement, is the official flag of the German
Reich side by side with the black-white-red flag. The document is
signed by General Field-Marshal von Hindenburg, by the former
private Adolf Hitler, and by officer von Papen. What a glorious sym-
bol of the victory of the National Socialist Revolution !

The completion of the German unity was solemnly declared at the
grave of the great Prussian King on 21st March, the Day of Potsdam,
(general Field-Marshal von Hindenburg assumed the patronage of the
rise of Germany The Reichstag delivered the powers of constitutional
government to Adolf Hitler on 23rd March. The ingenious settling
of accounts with the Social Democratic Party of Germany, from the
tribune of the Reichstag, developed into the moral destruction of
Marxism. Adolf Hitler’s work was crowned by the law of supreme
authority accepted with an overwhelming majority. The way now
lay open for the total conquest of the State.

Adolf Hitler has given convincing proof of his outstanding statesman-
ship, during the few months of his Chancellorship. His personality has
distinguished him as the Leader, from the very first day of his cabinet.
All recognised him as such. This came as s surprise to many who did
not know him For us, who have fought with him, it was simply a
confirmation of facts known to us. Adolf Hitler has restored dignity
and new resplendence to the office of German Reichskanzler, he has
restored to the German people their faith in personality. But Adolf
Hitler cannot be estimated as fighter and as statesman, without signifv-
inghis moral greatness— for it is this which distinguishes and ennobles
him a man— as the mam characteristic in the portrait of his personality.
As Chancellor Adolf Hitler has preserved that modesty and simplicity
ot character, which alone bestow their real value of character upon every
truly great personality. Adolf Hitler has remained as he always has
been. And probably the Nation loves him more for this deep, moral
human greatness than for the power which he to-day holds in his hand
lor the welfare of the Nation, and for the fame which is due to him as
saviour of the Nation,

CHAPTER XXIX

State and Party.

The National Socialist Party has conquered the State from within.
It is only a logical consequence that it is the State’s representative in
the New Germany, and that the N.S.D.A.P.’s State Idea must contain
not only the spiritual capacity, but also the form o iorganisation of the
new State.

The National Socialist Party has re-unit( d people and State, it
has restored the people to the State, and the State to the people. It
forms the living, connecting link between State and People, and thereby
secures their unity. As the N.S.D.A.P. does not live apart from the
people, but is the child of the people, and has grown up to be the
people’s representative, so the N.S.D.A.P. cannot live apart from the
State, if this State shall enjoy a lasting existence.

Only a knowledge of the construction of the National Socialist
Party, of its inner structure, and of the principles of its development,
can give a real understanding of the political and sociological problem
of Party and State.

The National Socialist Party is one organic creation, and this dis-
tinguishes it fundamentally from all the State’s former Liberal-Marxist
parties, now extirpated to their very roots. It is an organism bound
together within itself, it has sprung to life from one cell, and has
developed all living organs of the State, from their birth upward.

As National Socialism is one entire idea, which plainly corresponds
to German thought, representing its purest and noblest expressions,
so the N.S.D.A.P. is one political unity, for it is the organised bearer
of the will of this idea. By reason of its entire structure, this unity can
bear no other relationship to the State than that of identity.

This natural claim has governed the birth and development of the
N.S.D.A.P. from the very first day until now. The creator and
leader of the movement planted its seed, like that of a healthy
plant, free from all germs of national destructive poison, in the degener-
ate political soil of the German Nation. Its seed was purposely
planted as one, though small, homogeneous, fighting unit against the
spirit of the November System.

This seed has sprung up. This political creation has grown up in
obedience to that law of nature, by which the strong supplants the weak.
By the natural process of selection, it has attracted and assimilated
all those forces which were ready to struggle, and to show to the
German people the example of one whole community, by this movement
effecting THEIR fate.

Out of the small plant grew a tree, round which ring after ring was
laid, ready to enrol every German for the struggle, but categorically
casting off every foreign substance which would not subordinate itself
implicitly to the laws of its growth. Thus it became inwardly un-
assailable, and stronger within itself. In this way, an organism, com-

68

STATE AND PARTY

69

4plete within itself, and comprising every function of the life of the com-
munity, was born from the Nation itself, in the midst of a decadent
people and a corrupt State. Only thus could the N.S.D.A.P. attain
its present position: our party was the Nation’s source, from which the
stream of the German People’s regeneration and new education could
alone flow. The N.S.D.A.P. stands upon a world-conceptive basis
which is uniform, clearly defined, inwardly unassailable, and compact.
Whoever is educated in the National Socialist way of thinking, shall
always make the correct decision with absolute certainty, and shall act
in the interests of our Nation. ” Every creation,” our leader exclaimed
in Nurenberg on 2nd September, 1933, “can only be maintained by the
same power which created it.”

The secret of the N.S.D.A.P.’s strength lies in this exclusiyeness of
its particular principles, for our party can tolerate no alien influence
nor organisation within its own ranl^s, as it is conscious of the absolute
correctness of its principles. This natural development of our organisa-
tion, of our individuality, and therefore of our totality, are born from
this exclusiveness of principles, which is the secret of that strength
which has bestowed such rich blessing upon the German people !

It is to-day an indisputable fact that this strength, which springs
from one single source, has alone created all our achievements for the
German people. Our leader has clearly foreseen and recognised this
political development, completed by nature’s laws, and he has therefore
constructed his movement on these principles. If he had hearkened
to the warnings of his foes, and to the advice of some ” friends,” then
German Marxists would still be active, and there would be no New
Germany to-day.

Only a knowledge of this fundamental, inner relationship of principles
can enable us to comprehend the especial necessity for these principles,
and to understand the present and future problems of our German
State structure. If the present state of affairs bears testimony of the
previous accomplishments of the N.S.D.A.P. and of the correctness
of its principles, then the future shall prove that the logical and con-
sequent execution of these principles shall alone complete the great
work begun.

Then one thing — the decisive factor — is certain : whoever has thought
that the final formation of the New German State could have been
achieved without the active organism and the organic structure of the
N.S.D.A.P.—the sole creative element— would have had to dispense
with the strength of this movement. Without this strength, the New
Germany would not have arisen, and cannot live without it. The new
Reich would collapse like a house of cards, and almost every previous
, creation would be destroyed in a very short time, were it not for the
dominion of the National Socialist Party and the organic forces,
developed in it and through it, and which therefore progress further.

Wherever the fate of the State is so closely connected with a party,
as in this case, wherever the interests of State and Party coincide, Party
and State are no longer separable. To see that such a separation never
may and never shall occur, does not signify a Party’s intolerance or its
craving for Power, but its feeling of responsibility and its most solemn
duty towards the Nation. ” The sole pillars of the present Reich are
the German Nation and the National Socialist Movement.”

70 WITH HITLER ON THE ROAD TO POWER

The Reich Party Day of 1933 in Nuremberg, with its immensely
impressive ceremony, has fostered this recognition in the hearts of all
classes of Germans. In Nuremberg, the Party represented the German
people and the German State, before the eyes of the whole world. This
was a more complete, a more morally dignified, and a more imposing
representation than the State and Nation have ever previously en-
joyed. With enthusiastic approbation, the German Nation has
felt and witnessed the days of Nuremberg as the Nation’s political
roll-call. In Nuremberg, 1933, the Party has shown and proved that it
is not only the State, but that it has the right and obligation to be the
State in future.

CHAPTER XXX

The Artistic Side of Adolf Hitler*s Nature.

Adolf Hitler is an artist in his heart of hearts. Had he not been
chosen as political leader of the German Nation, he would certainly
have succeeded as an artist. But probably this artistic element in
Adolf Hitler can best explain his political genius. Intuitive sensibility
for the natural powers of the people is the quality which statesmen,
who call themselves such without really being so, possess to the least
degree. But for the real politician, it is the decisive and most fortunate
quality for his statesmanship.

It shall be the privilege of qualified artists to write of Adolf Hitler’s
relation towards art. But Adolf Hitler’s artistic temperament is so
strongly expressed in every branch of his life, that it forms an essential
feature of his every activity. I shall restrict myself to touching upon
several side-lights from the political perspective, as far as they harmonise
with the sketch traced in these pages.

If all art and artists reflect their epoch, then it can be no surprise
that the epoch now past has represented a period of cultural degradation
and of artistic decline in every respect. Scarcely anybody has felt
this fact more than Adolf Hitler. His great political struggle has been
contemporary with the struggle against the inartistic, and un-German
spirit in the Nation’s’ cultural life.

We know ofthe great love which attracted Adolf Hitler to painting and
to architecture, even in his earliest youth. In the first chapter of his
book, My Struggle,” he gives a touching description of his struggle
with his father — who wanted him to be an official — for the latter’s
consent for him to become a painter. ” I wanted to be a painter,” he
writes. ” It was only my intuition that always increased my interest for
architecture as the years passed.” In every phase of his development,
from his earliest childhood onward, our leader has revealed a pronounced
artistic talent.

Our leader delighted in the great architectual masterpieces of the
Ring Strasse, during his first stay in Vienna as a lad. He admired the
palatial architecture of the picture galleries almost more than the paint-
ings within. As a young man, he was attracted to Munich, Richard
Wagner’s city, created by royal patrons of art. Such a man, now
that he possesses power, thinks on a very large scale. Adolf Hitler
regards imposing monuments as the artistic expression of political
will-power. How often has our leader expressed this thought, and
illustrated it by quotations from the history of civilised Nations.
German art shall celebrate its resurrection in the “Dritte Reich.” From
this spiritual revolution, there shall also issue the forces which shall
guarantee artistic monuments symbolising the great German liberation.
This is Adolf Hitler’s conviction.

Adolf Hitler will do everything to give the New Germany a dis-
tinctive feature by the works of artists, which shall bear everlasting

71

72 WITH HITLER ON THE ROAD TO POWER

testimony of the work and of the rule of the National Socialist Idea.
” We shall create stone and brass witnesses of our new world idea, and
of our political will-power; to replant in every single German heart,
the pride of being a German,” prophesied Adolf Hitler, already on 4th
April, 1929, in Munich, as he protested against the art of Max Reinhardt
and Goldmann, and the decline of art in the Republic of Weimar.

During his political struggle, our leader has always combatted the
inartistic, Jewish practise of employing art for mere filthy lucre. A
great work of art has never been created for the sake of money. Real
artists have usually starved beside their creation. A deplorable epoch,
utterly without character, and in which Mammon alone reigns, has no
longer any art but only rubbish. Temporary profit can be made, but no
lasting creation can issue. Not money, but race and nationality are
the finest inspirations of true art.

I think, and Adolf Hitler is convinced of it, that we stand upon the
threshold of a more architectonic epoch, and that now, with the politi-
cal revival, a reaction is following from the impressionistic, pictorial
expression of an unrestricted individualism, to the architectonic,
monumental style of an heroic epoch. As, in world history, the epochs
of an outstanding feeling of unity and of national pride must always
display imposing monuments, so should and shall the *’ Dritte Reich ”
produce its buildings.

It is known that Professor Troost has for long been the Chancellor’s
adviser in architectural matters. One of our leader’s first visits, as
soon as he arrives in Munich, is nearly always paid to the Professor’s
studio. Our leader confers with the Professor about building problems,
discusses his plans with him, and the great buildings now being erect-
ed in Munich are entrusted to the care of the Professor : ” Das Haus der
Deutschen Kunst ” (House of German Art), both the monumental
buildings in Arcis Strasse for the government and for the supreme
administration of the N.S.D.A.P. the building for the Reich-State
Holder, besides the other buildings which are successively being erect-
ed. As in the case of other towns, Adolf Hitler also proposes a great
scheme for Munich’s future buildings, and he is consciously re-adopting
the great architectural tradition of this city.

Adolf Hitler is operating on the same large scale in the road-building
which he has systematically undertaken. This does not mean the
construction of roads such as have been built during the last decades,
and which are out of date after a certain time, but roads which shall last
for centuries. Just as the Roman roads Or those set up by Napoleon,
are still clear notions and symbols of an epoch, so shall the roads now
under construction recall our epoch to later generations.

Our leader’s deep love for music, especially for the works of Richard
Wagner, is a strong expression of his artistic nature. At the age of
twelve, Adolf Hitler saw Lohengrin, for the first time, in Linz, and his
youthful enthusiasm for the Bayreuth master knew no bounds. ‘* I
was ever more attracted to his works,” so he writes, ‘* and I feel especially
happy to-day, that the modest quality of the provincial performance
enabled me to appreciate finer subsequent performances even more.”
Already as a young politician Adolf Hitler entered the Bayreuth
Cultural Circle, and since then he has always returned to Bayreuth,
He began a friendship with Houston Stewart-Chamberlain, Richard

THE ARTISTIC SIDE OF ADOLF HITLER’S NATURE 73

Wagner’s son-in-law. Chamberlain quickly recognised his genius
and put all his political trust in him.

Adolf Hitler has seen The Mastersingers of Nuremberg,” his
favourite opera, about a hundred times. How frequently have we
seen our leader go to the opera after a day of political work, yes, even
on the evening before one of his greatest decisions. He gains both
relaxation and strength from music. After accession to power, he
has consciously restored the Bayreuth festivals to high honour, and
bestowed upon them the dignity and character of German, commemora-
tive, national festivals.

During the festival season of this year, on 30th July, at the house of
Wahnfried, where our leader, at the grave of Richard Wagner, paid
silent homage to the genius of the master, we recalled the same day of
the year 1932, the evening prior to the great July election — a political
struggle which we were then fighting in Ba^^euth. Adolf Hitler had
then come to Bayreuth as a political struggler. On this day, now in
possession of power, to worship German art ! This convergence of two
ways may therefore symbolise the fact that politics and art form such a
happy harmony in Adolf Hitler’s nature.

CHAPTER XXXI

Nationalisation.

The relationship of National Socialism to the political conceptions
of the rest of the world, the position which National Socialist Germany
shall occupy in the society of Nations, touches upon one of the most
critical international problems of modern world politics.

The German Nation and its leaders have recognised the importance
of this question in its entire magnitude, and have devoted their attention
to it. If the leaders of other nations even to-day ” see danger in the
fact that the National Socialist Movement upholds principles which
other Nations still discard,” then it is by no means impossible, that this

danger ” shall become a blessing, if the principles which appear
unacceptable even to-day to dissenting minds, prove themselves correct.

Where is it written that the development of world politics may only
be viewed from a Liberalistic aspect, that it may be formed exclusively
according to the Liberalistic principles of the last centuries ? Not only
the life of nations, but also human intelligence, are permanently subject
to development ! We would imagine that Liberalism would remain
aloof from dogmatically torpid thought, and would at least give free
play to its own principles, wherever new life begins to flourish, which
cannot be judged according to old principles, but can only be conceived
by sympathy and understanding.

Nobody expects the world to regard the New Germany from the
National Socialist point of view. But the great future problems,
requiring international recognition and solution, frankly compel the
nations to observe without prejudice the structural changes which
are being organically completed in individual nations. Progressive
discernment, which is valuable for the future life of nations, and
thereby for their own welfare, can only result from such a neutral, sober
view.

It is a fact that National Socialism in Germany has materialised a new
State Idea, born from the people themselves and which satisfies the
people’s own will. The fundament and highest standard of this new
State Idea is not the Individual,” nor ” Humanity,” but THE
NATION, as the sole real and organic totality which life knows.

In this way, it has already been recognised that the power of States
is not founded upon bayonets, but upon national energy and upon
resources of national strength. Already, some years previously,
Italian Fascism was able to complete this development, of parallel
principles, in its own land. Several movements of revival are beginning
to come to life in other countries, though still sporadically. We can
explain them as we like — the general international tendency of this
development is undeniable.

It justifies the statement that the National Socialist awakening of
nations calls for new forms of government. It proves the recognition
that a new valuation of men, a valuation based upon the laws of nature^

74

NATIONALISATION

75

is beginning to force its way through from the very hearts of the European
Nations. It is about to overcome Liberalism, and replace it by a new
conception of the living community.

In Nationalisation, which we already see forcing its way through
to-day in Germany and Italy, that great structural process of class
reconstruction is already heralded within the nations. This process
appears not only chosen to open up a happy future for naturally develop-
ed nations forming a community, and which are capable of maintaining
life, but also to guarantee the peaceful relations of these nations towards
one another, through a natural partition of their life requirements. All
signs indicate that the evolution of National Socialism is destined to
master those world political tasks, the solution of which has proved
beyond the capacity of State Internationalism.

Already to-day, the innate powers of the life of nations which are at
work, are clearly shown both inwardly and outwardly- Let us take
National Socialist Germany as an example of the new inner regime.
The democratic, parliamentary Liberalism apodictically claimed
for itself the eternal title of the most purposeful and best form of
representation of the people’s rights. To-day, after a few months of
National Socialist dominion regarded by the Nation with undeniable
instinct as self-government, Germany looks back— morally free from
anxiety — with pitiful eyes upon those unhappy past periods of ‘* Demo-
cracy,” when she was the slave of the Nation’s organised incapacity.
At last with its own eyes, the Nation has recognised National Socialism
as the organisation of naturally chosen leaders. National Socialism’s
achievements in the fields of Socialism, Economy, Administration, and
Reformation of the Reich, speak for themselves. In one sweep, these
leaders have accomplished what dozens of previous parliamentary, demo-
cratic governments vainly attempted in the most deplorable way. The
authority of this new regime is thus backed by the confidence and pride
of the whole Nation. Germany has found that form of government
which corresponds to her innermost nature.

From the international point of view, however, one thing appears
certain to me: the conception of the nation, understood only as a state-
political, abstract unity, will never allow the prevalence of similar,
natural forces, such as those which have fought their way through for
the blessing of the German and of the ItaUan Nations. Only Nationalisa-
tion, and concentration upon the nucleus of Nationalist Forces, can
make possible the display of these forces.

Probably in the degree in which the structural change of the surround-
ing world excludes every doubt that this already more biological than
sociological law decides upon the development of the nations, upon their
rise and fall, shall the previously only abstractly state-organised nation
‘drop the mask of Liberalism, and retrace their steps back to the national
conditions of their existence, to thereby develop the forces for the
maintenance of life. They will probably state from their experience in
the surrounding world that, however great the burden lying upon their
nation, much can be settled more simply under a nationally-founded,
authoritative form of government. They will always recognise that the
Social, Economic problem, which is entangled into a Gordian knot in
liberal, democratic states, can be cut far more easily and to the general
satisfaction, under an authoritative form of government devoted to the

76 WITH HITLER ON THE ROAD TO POWER

entire nation, and not to the paramount, international ” interested
parties.” They will understand, probably to the extent in which other
nations rid themselves of internationalism, that there exists a problem of
the lowering of the racial level; this problem is naturally stifled, and
solved without difficulty, by a nationally conscious National Socialism.
They shall finally come to the conclusion that the cultural feature of
the nation is distinguished more clearly, more monumentally, and
with its value more emphasised, upon the background of the creative
nation, than upon the baseless element of an international shadow of
existence.

If this conclusion is observed, then Nationalisation shall ensue as a
more or less natural, inevitable consequence, in the measure in which
these recognitions mature.

It is evident that such a development would also simplify the co-
operation of the nations, just as it is proved as purposeful from an inner
political point of view. A regulation of the forces of the nations can
bring about a happier and more durable establishment of the mutual
relations of the states, if Nationalism is embedded clearly and com-
pletely in each nation, which should be ruled by a responsible and
authoritative government. The national awakening of the nations shall
be based more upon their inner, rational consolidation, and the pro-
tection of their national principles of life, than upon an outward expan-
sion which exhausts all power, and which must lead to international
disorganisation and to the world’s economic confusion. The more
the frontiers between peoples coincide with the frontiers between the
states, all the less shall be the artificial possibilities of conflict,” our
leader declared on 17th May in his great speech on foreign politics, in
which he espoused the cause of peace based upon justice to each nation.
The general principle of the future which shall apply to foreign politics,
shall be, according to our conviction : World Peace can only be guaran-
teed through the existence of free, happy states which are capable
of living !

We are not so far away from reality to believe that the hard facts of
world politics are to be softened by political logic, and by a future
outlook based upon natural, reasonable views. But this shall not deter
us from revealing the problems, and the possibilities for their solution,
which, in our opinion, shall be effected sooner or later. The prophet
is without honour in his own country, but foreseeing nations are still
more without honour in international life. As pioneers of a new
political world idea and world order, they incur the aversion and hostility
of all who recognise the new ideas as dangerous to the old ” harmony of
interests.” At first this was the mere or less general attitude towards
Fascism, and National Socialist Germany shall also know how to
overcome this inevitable opposition.

Adolf Hitler’s Germany knows that the old Liberal world will not
willingly grant it esteem and approbation, but that this must be gained
—just as within Germany’s own borders— in international affairs by
spiritual and world conceptive struggle.

For 14 years, in matters of inner politics, National Socialism has
pavssed through the school of this struggle, which has also trained it for
victory; if necessary, National Socialism shall also know how to fight

NATIONALISATION

77

the spiritual struggle, and stand the test in matters of foreign policy in
years to come.

May these pages, dedicated to the struggle of the National Socialistic
Movement, testify that in foreign affairs, National Socialism shall find
the way to the confidence, to the appreciation, and to the esteem of the
nations, just as it has pursued its unswerving course within the Reich.
May these pages also serve for the recognition that it is better and more
purposeful for nations to adapt themselves to inevitable necessities,
than to be subsequently surpassed by them, and to remain backward.
Progress, Youth, and sound condition always gain the final victory.

Nationalisation shall be the nations’ future fountain of youth, from
which they shall create new forces for their further development, and
through which their international companionship can be organically,
and therefore best, guaranteed.

Probably it is an act of justice and of compensation, that the German
Nation, so sorely afflicted by the world-war, is chosen to lead the way to a
better future for the nations.