South African prime minister Hendrik Verwoerd was the great architect of successful apartheid in South Africa, but none of the major Boer leaders ever stated the vital and central truth that justifies apartheid.

The reason why you must have “separate development” of the races is because blacks are inferior and very different from the white race.

This failure to state the fundamental truth about white racial superiority and black inferiority  in RSA was a fatal act of Boer cowardice.

The whole truthful premise behind apartheid was denied because the truth seemed too harsh, too unchristian and unkind….

But this is unkind too!

Sometimes it is cruel to be kind, and kind to be cruel.

But all support for the delusion that the races are equal will encourage the lower races to feel anger and hatred at the inequality they see between their power and wealth and that of the higher race!

It is therefore time for the full truth about race, and the Jews lurking behind the blacks, to come out.

In South Africa, and in America.

Two white cops stop a black with his white girlfriend –shootout (30 minutes) — and ridiculous waste of time. As a black, he should just say sir and obey. 

 

……Promoting Racial Tension Using

• The National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP)
• Martin Luther King
• B’nai B’rith and the Anti-Defamation League (ADL)
• The American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU)

Promoting Racial Tension

In the book A Racial Program for the Twentieth Century, published in 1913 by Israel Cohen of the Fabian Society (a follow-up to Zangwill’s play The Melting Pot), he wrote:

“We must realize that our Party’s most powerful weapon is racial tension. By propounding into the consciousness of the dark races, that for centuries have been oppressed by the whites, we can mold them to the program of the Communist Party … In America, we will aim for subtle victory.

While enflaming the Negro minority against the Whites, we will instill in the Whites a guilt complex for the exploitation of the Negroes. We will aid the Negroes to rise to prominence in every walk of life, in the professions, and in the world of sports and entertainment. With this prestige, the Negroes will be able to intermarry with the Whites, and begin a process which will deliver America to our cause.”

(see note [E1])

On June 17, 1957, this passage was read into the Congressional Record by Rep. Thomas G. Abernathy.

In 1922, the Russian Comintern provided $300,000 for the spreading of communist propaganda among Negroes. In 1925, the Communist Party U.S.A. told its members:

“The aim of our Party in our work among the Negro masses is to create a powerful proletarian movement which will fight and lead the struggle of the Negro race against the exploitation and oppression in every form and which will be a militant part of the revolutionary movement of the whole American working class … and connect them with the struggles of national minorities and colonial peoples of all the world and thereby the cause of world revolution and the dictatorship of the proletariat.”

In 1925, a dozen blacks were recruited for propaganda training in Russia. That same year, the American Negro Labor Congress was established. In 1930, they changed their name to the League of Struggle for Negro Rights. They merged with the United Negro Congress when it was founded in 1936 in Washington, D.C. By 1940, communists made up two-thirds of its membership. In 1947, they united with the Civil Rights Congress, a communist front group.

In a 1928 pamphlet by John Pepper (alias for Joseph Pogany) called American Negro Problems, a move was being made by Stalin to ferment revolution and stir the blacks into creating a separate Republic for the Negro. Another pamphlet put out by the New York Communist Party in 1935, called The Negroes in a Soviet America, urged the blacks to rise up and form a Soviet State in the South by applying for admission to the Comintern. It contained a firm pledge that a revolt would be supported by all American communists and liberals. On page 48, it said that the Soviet Government would give the blacks more benefits than they would give to the whites, and “any act of discrimination or prejudice against the Negro would become a crime under the revolutionary law.”

In The Communist Party: A Manual On Organization by J. Peters, he writes:

“The other important ally of the American proletariat is their mass of 13,000,000 Negro people in their struggle against national oppression. The Communist Party, as the revolutionary party of the proletariat, is the only party which is courageously and resolutely carrying on a struggle against the double exploitation and national oppression of the Negro people, becoming intense with the developing crisis, [and] can win over the great masses of the Negro people as allies of the Proletariat against the American bourgeosie.”

In James Cannon’s America’s Road to Socialism, he says that the Negroes:

“…will play a great and decisive role in the revolution … And why shouldn’t they be? They have nothing to lose but their poverty and discrimination, and a whole world of prosperity, freedom, and equality to gain. You can bet your boots the Negro will join the Revolution to fight for that — once it becomes clear to them that it cannot be gained except by revolution.”

The long-time FBI Director, J. Edgar Hoover, said of the Communist goals:

“Communists seek to advance the cause of communism by injecting themselves into racial situations and in exploiting them, (1) to intensify the frictions between Negroes and Whites to ‘prove’ that discrimination against the minorities is an inherent defect of the capitalistic system, (2) to foster domestic disunity by dividing Negroes and Whites into antagonistic, warring factions, (3) to undermine and destroy established authority, (4) to incite racial strife and riotous activity, and (6) to portray the Communist movement as the ‘champion’ of social protest and the only force capable of ameliorating the conditions of the Negro and the oppressed.”

 

 

…..An honest Jew speaks out

MYRON FAGAN

 

“International” Jews, like other globalists, serve the Rothschilds’ sick megalomaniac program of world government dictatorship. “National” Jews, like other patriots, owe their first loyalty to their country and fellow citizens. Like Benjamin Freedman, Myron Fagan (1887-1972)   fought the bankers’ Communist agenda for the best part of his life.

Myron Fagan, a successful Broadway playwright and director, met Israel Cohen, Israel Zangwill and George Bernard Shaw at a party to celebrate the opening of  Zangwill’s play The Melting Pot in 1910. He knew the three men to be founders of the Fabian Society.

Cohen told Fagan he was planning to write “A Racial Program for the 20th Century” as a “humanitarian” follow up to “The Melting Pot.”  At the time, Fagan didn’t realize that the play, which described how Jews and Blacks triumph against White prejudice, was pure propaganda, part of the Communist campaign of fostering “guilt” in white Liberals described above.

It all fell into place in 1957 when Fagan read the Washington Star quotation in the context of the debate over school desegregation. In 1966, he recalled:

“That book was published in 1913 … the NAACP and the ADL were created [by the bankers] almost simultaneously to carry out those directives. That was more than a half-century ago. Can there be any doubt that that was intended to launch our present Negro upheaval for a Black Revolution?

“If that isn’t enough evidence, in 1935, the Communist Party’s ‘Workers Library Publishers’ issued a pamphlet entitled ‘THE NEGROES IN A SOVIET AMERICA.’ It urged the Negroes to rise up, especially in the South, and form a Soviet State in the South, and apply for admission into the Soviet Union … it contained implicit assurance that the ‘revolt’ would be supported by all American Reds, and on page 38 it promised that a Soviet government would confer greater benefits on Negroes than on Whites and that ‘Any act of discrimination or prejudice against a Negro will become a crime under the Revolutionary law …

” … When Abernathy published that Israel Cohen excerpt in the Congressional Record, we (Cinema Educational Guild, Inc.) promptly issued a ‘News-Bulletin’ in which we published the entire story — and warned of the coming Negro uprisings…

“Two years went by and nobody even tried to deny the matter, but, suddenly, after two years, during which the ADL and similar groups had ferreted out ALL copies of the book and destroyed them, they announced that the whole thing was a fraud, that there never had been such a book, or an ‘Israel Cohen’ … Why did they wait two years? And how could they deny the existence of a writer named Israel Cohen in the face of all the books he had written? Copies of which I have. More important, bear in mind that Israel Cohen had been a prime mover in all ‘Fabian Socialist’ and Communist movements in England — also that I had met him in person when he actually discussed the book at that banquet.”

(Fagan, “UN is Spawn of the Illuminati,” 1966)

IMPLICATIONS

1. Communism and Zionism are Rothschild proxies: two pincers in the banker’s plan for world government dictatorship, currently masquerading as “globalization.”

 

…..Lothrop Stoddard proposed strict segregation

Recently I read a book, Reforging America, on archive.org by the outstanding author Lothrop Stoddard, a Harvard PhD and bestselling author in the 1920s.

It seems almost surreal to read him now, triumphing and happy after the passage of the 1924 Johnson Immigration Act, which basically restricted immigration to the US to the nordic countries.

Adolf Hitler was very appreciative of all US racial policies in the Twenties, and expressed it his 1928 “Second Book” — never published and found in a safe in 1945.

ah-second-book-1928.pdf

The 1920s were the heyday of the second KKK, of eugenics laws to sterilize the retarded, and an immigration crackdown to keep America as white — and as nordic — as possible.

In the Second Book, Hitler presciently prophesied a second world war between Germany and the world unless England got rid of its Jews.

(He also said that, for all its magnificent qualities, America was even more judaized than England, and would represent a mortal danger to the Reich, more so even than the USSR! Privately, Hitler called America “a Jewish head on an Aryan body.”)

.

Here, now, is the entire magnificent book by Lothrop Stoddard.

https://archive.org/stream/AmericaRaceReforgingAmericaLothropTheodoreStoddard/America%2C%20Race%20-%20Reforging%20America%20-%20Lothrop%20Theodore%20Stoddard_djvu.txt

Below you will see his chapter about the “negroes.” Stoddard basically felt that unless and until America decided to simply expel the blacks to some other geographic location (within the US in a kind of negro reservation, or to elsewhere in the Americas, or even “back to Africa”), then the segregation the post-Civil War South had created was the right model.

Several points:

–You can see from this passage what an outstanding writer Stoddard was. His style flowed, and his ideas were clear and brilliant.

–Unlike Hitler, he refused to “take the Jew bull by the horns.”

The Jews are barely mentioned in this entire book about the race problem in America! (But let us be blunt —  Stoddard was likely afraid that otherwise the book would not be published by a major publisher, and thus have no impact.)

–Again unlike Hitler, who had that SOMETIMES refreshing German bluntness 😉 , Stoddard had that typical Anglo-American reluctance to call a spade a spade.

The ONLY way that segregation can work (or for apartheid to have worked permanently in the old South Africa) was to state clearly, honestly and manfully, which the Boers never did in South Africa!!! 🙁 ) the plain truth:

…..that the blacks are VERY inferior in both IQ and in self-control (emotional and sexual) ….

…and they either recognize this fact explicitly, and obey the white man, submitting to his rule as the right and reasonable thing for all concerned,

….or they must leave.

But if blacks are merely “different,” as Stoddard writes in a tactful yet weasily way, then they will, of course, resent and hate being lower on the totem pole: with much less power, with much lower incomes, and with zero access to our gorgeous white females. (And I have seen blacks stare with obsessive lust at our women.)

Boer widow — her husband shot 

But if blacks acknowledge and accept their inferiority, then they will accept their lower place too and in the exact same way that all sensible white children accept that they are inferior to their white parents.

Little white kids don’t imagine they can run a business, or drive a car, or cook hot meals on the stove, or even touch sharp knives, matches or firearms!

Now, I am well-known since way back in 2011, seven years ago, for being just about the only major white nationalist to constantly expose the truth, with facts and ever-mounting evidence, that we earthlings are not at all alone in the universe.

……New York Times and Washington Post finally concede UFOs may be very real after two US Navy commanders step forward with 2004 incident that they saw and filmed with their F-18s

https://johndenugent.com/english/the-subject-of-ufos-finally-treated-seriously-in-the-pages-of-the-new-york-times/

.

.

…..UFOs, the Reich AFTER ’45, and whites as colonists on this planet

UFOs, the Third Reich after 1945, and the Pleiadians

At this juncture I wish to introduce a theme I have not often discussed before.

It is hinted at in this humorous yet truthful cartoon.

In this we see what is really going on, and it is a hierarchy of superiors, mid-level races, and inferiors.

The reptilian is far above the Gray, and the Gray above the human Illuminatus, who is in turn is far above the average scheming Jew, and exploits his greed, libido, ego and hate.

 

 

The white prole without any higher consciousness is under this Jew.

 

But how true this is.

The bottom line is this, and many UFO abduction accounts bear this out, such as extremely well-documented 1970s Travis Walton case in Arizona and many others, is that in our galaxy, inequality is simply a given.

 

White servant girl, Paris, 1880s

Higher races give orders, and lower races obey. In the abductions, Tall Grays give orders, and Short Grays carry them out.

In the Walton case, a Nordic who is really a reptilian that has modified his appearance watches the whole thing with icy self-interest.

Real Nordics are extremely compassionate and feel benevolence — and sadness and pity toward us white earthlings — in the same way an adult does who sees a little child wandering lost and scared in a department store.

Ranton, Staffordshire, England

So, as any true national socialist readily agrees, the honest, spiritual and humble fact of life is there is obvious inequality everywhere and equality nowhere.

Men are superior to women in strength and ruthlessness, and inferior in compassion and listening.

Chinese are slightly superior to whites in IQ but inferior in creativity.

(White) Ashkenazi Jews are superior to dark Sephardic Jews.

Sephardic Jewess guards blonde Palestinian activist

Light-skinned blacks rule dark-skinned blacks.

 

The only way that America can function is if whites openly, proudly, bluntly and directly become white supremacists again and tell the blacks, browns and yellows that white rule, as they well know deep-down, is absolutely in THEIR interests. We are a kind, brilliant, fair,  creative and gifted race that, if freed from the Jew, will naturally treat all races with tough love, honesty, efficiency, logic, clear thinking, and a firm and fair control that is for the benefit of all. If they lose us, they will fall back into stagnation or barbarism.

 Slave owner, white supremacist, founder of the United States and Father of the Constitution, George Washington

 

 

And now to Stoddard’s basically excellent chapter advocating strict segregation of the races, Southern-style, but refined, and on a nationwide basis.

CHAPTER XII

BI-RACIALISM: THE KEY TO SOCIAL PEACE

In the preceding chapter our analysis of the “di-
lemma of color” led us, seemingly, to most pessi-
mistic conclusions. The negro radicals’ insistent
demand for the abolition of the color-line, and the
uncompromising refusal of white America to make
any concessions which might spell amalgamation,
appeared to result in a deadlock whose logical end
was race-war.

However, we then remarked that this was not
the whole story; that other factors existed which
hopefully modified the situation and which might
eventually lead to a constructive adjustment of
race-relations that, while maintaining the color-line,
would yet give adequate scope for the negro’s grow-
ing self-consciousness and desire for advancement.
To a consideration of these hopeful, constructive fac-
tors, let us now turn.

The impression probably made upon most readers
of negro radical literature, even when they know
little about the race-problem, is one of distorted un-
reality. Such readers instinctively feel that the
facts presented are not all the facts, and that the
intense emotions voiced by radical writers are not
shared by the majority of the negro population. If
the incidents of oppression and injustice featured in
radical journals were typical, and if all, or even

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BI-RACIALISM

285

most, negroes felt the same burning flame of revolt,
the racial situation would everywhere be simply in-
tolerable. The South, especially, would be a smoul-
dering volcano of racial strife, and even though the
negroes might not at present venture armed revolt,
both sides would generally recognize that race-war
was inevitable, and would be actively preparing for
the great explosion.

Now every sensible person knows that this is not
the case. It does not need first-hand knowledge of
the South to recognize that conditions there are,
generally speaking, peaceful and stable. For every
Southern community that gets into the newspapers,
there are a dozen which have no serious racial
troubles. Despite much minor friction and occa-
sional outbreaks of violence, the races manage to
get along tolerably well, co-operate sufficiently to
insure sound material progress, and evince many
evidences of genuine amicability and mutual regard.
The last few years, especially, have witnessed in the
South an unprecedented degree of racial harmony
and desire for friendly co-operation. Surely all this
would be impossible if conditions were anywhere
nearly as bad as Northern radical negroes make out.

Let us, therefore, survey the Southern situation
as it really is, and let us hear what the Southern
negro himself has to say. It may be that we shall
discover many harmonizing factors and constructive
ideas which Northern negro radicals either deride,
minimize, or ignore.

*1 he cardinal fact of Southern life is the color-line.
The color-line, which Northern radicals denounce as

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RE-FORGING AMERICA

intolerable and untenable, has in the South become
the recognized foundation of society, accepted in
practice by the vast majority of both races as part
of the natural order of things. Out of the chaotic
uncertainties of the Reconstruction period, the South
has evolved a clear-cut system of racial segregation.
From birth to death the color-line functions effi-
ciently to keep black and white in their respective
social spheres. As infants, they are born in different
parts of their native city, town, or village. In child-
hood and youth they are educated in separate schools
and colleges. As adults, they work largely in non-
competing lines, and seek recreation in different res-
taurants and places of amusement. On Sundays
they go to separate churches. In travel they occupy
separate railroad-cars, and put up at different hotels.
Finally, when they die, they are embalmed by differ-
ent undertakers and are buried in separate cemeteries.
Everywhere racial contacts are systematically mini-
mized; every year racial segregation becomes more
pronounced and is more frankly recognized by both
races as the basic fact of Southern life.

Furthermore, this system of racial separation is
as firmly established by law as it is by custom and
public opinion. The Supreme Court has definitely
ruled that race-segregation does not violate the
Fifteenth Amendment of the Federal Constitution,
so long as its action is mutual. In other words, if
whites and negroes are equally forbidden to intrude
on the respective spheres assigned the other race,
there is no legal “discrimination.” Therefore the
South’s social system accords with the basic law of

BI-RACIALISM

287

the land, and cannot be upset by any adverse Federal
judicial ruling.

One point of great significance is the fact that in
those parts of the South where race-separation is
most clearly defined, race-friction is least in evidence.
A good example is the city of Charleston, South
Carolina. In this ultra-Southern city, situated in
the heart of the “black belt,” segregation is unusually
thorough. Yet Charleston, with its great negro
population, has never had a race-riot or other seri-
ous racial trouble. The worst racial outbreaks have
usually occurred where race-relations had not been
well defined, and where the rougher elements of both
races were in close contact with one another. In-
deed, that is one of the reasons why sensible Southern
negroes recognize the beneficial effects to them-
selves of segregation. Wherever low-down, rowdy
negroes and low-down, rowdy “white trash,” full of
bad liquor and looking for trouble, are thrown to-
gether, there are bound to be fights which may grow
into race-riots from which the whole community suf-
fers. Nearly all sensible persons, without distinc-
tion of color, realize that the less the races touch at
their lower levels, the better for both.

The truth is that, instead of moving toward race-
war, as Northern radicals assert, the general trend
in the South is away from race- war toward a stable
adjustment of race-relations. During Reconstruc-
tion things were at their worst. Since then the situa-
tion has been steadily improving. When Recon-
struction collapsed, the negroes at first simply bowed
to superior force. But in the half-century which has

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RE-FORGING AMERICA

since elapsed, the bewildered mass of freedmen has
evolved a group life of its own that offers material
rewards and social satisfactions inside the negro
community. Southern negrodom is to-day a well-
differentiated social system, with its own professional
and middle classes, and with a richly diversified social
life. Ambitious young negroes can now satisfy
their desire for a career without running up against
the color-line. There are good opportunities to ac-
quire money and reputation on their own side.
That is one of the main reasons why most able,
thoughtful negroes in the South to-day belong to
that moderate party which believes in good rela-
tions with its white neighbors, and a working out
of racial adjustment through mutual understanding.

To Booker Washington the launching of a gen-
uine moderate movement is primarily due. Before
his rise to leadership Southern negrodom had vege-
tated in the bewildered, embittered disillusionment
into which it had been plunged by the collapse of
Reconstruction. It was Booker Washington who
not only awakened the best elements of his own race
to courage and hope, but also showed the white
South that there were sensible, intelligent negroes
who had renounced vain dreams and were ready to
go forward on a basis of existing realities. Booker
Washington’s famous Atlanta address, delivered in
the year 1895, marks a new epoch in Southern life.
His memorable phrase was: “In all things purely
social we can be as separate as the fingers, yet one
as the hand in all things essential to mutual progress.”

The way that phrase electrified both races showed

BI-RACIALISM

289

that the time was ripe for the best minds of both
races to evolve something better than war-cries like
“Social Equality!” and “Keep the Nigger Down!”
In fact, the generation that has elapsed since the
Atlanta address has seen a remarkable clarifying of
thought in the South on the race-question. Nearly
all forward-looking white Southerners to-day believe
in negro education and welcome the negro’s economic
and cultural advancement. As a recent Southern
writer well says: “There is now a much more sub-
stantial agreement on many of the so-called negro
problems than there has been in the past. Doctor
Edgar Gardner Murphy, writing in 1904, said: ‘Be-
cause no ten men have ever yet agreed as to what
we shall do, the negro presents something more than
a task; he presents a problem.’ The lapse of twenty
years has marked a genuinely encouraging tendency
to dispel this disagreement. Not ten, but ten thou-
sand, men agree that the negro must have equal
justice in the courts, must receive training for life
in the complex democracy of the United States, must
be instructed and safeguarded in the preservation
of health, and must receive a square deal in economic
life. This substantial agreement is rapidly replac-
ing the intellectual confusion which followed the
Civil War.” 1

This statement undoubtedly reflects the present
attitude of the intelligent white South. The policy
of race-separation does not imply an intention to
degrade the negro. The idea is, not to assign the
negro a lower place, but to accord him a different

1 Wooftcr, Thomas J.: The Basie of Racial Readjustment, p. 1 (1925).

290

RE-FORGING AMERICA

place, based upon the fact that the two races are so
different that, despite incidental hardships, social
separation is for the best interests of both.

Again, the white South to-day realizes that an
ignorant, poverty-stricken, degenerate mass of ne-
groes is at once a social menace and an economic
handicap which should be remedied by education
and fair treatment. And by “education ” the South
no longer means merely manual training. The old
idea that “education always spoils a negro” has been
pretty well discarded. Intelligent Southerners now
discriminate between education’s primary and sec-
ondary effects. They know that while a smatter-
ing of “book learning” may upset an ignorant ne-
gro’s balance and make him hard to deal with, the
trouble there is not education per se but superficial
education. What the South insists upon is that
negro education shall include character-building,
and shall exclude radical teaching that produces bit-
terness and vain discontent. Where negro educa-
tion is sound and constructive, it is warmly welcomed
and assisted by the white South. Tuskegee Insti-
tute is a good example. This creation of Booker
Washington has the hearty sympathy of white
Southerners, and is helped by them in every way.
Under the wise guidance of Doctor Moton, Booker
Washington’s successor, Tuskegee remains the head-
quarters of the moderate, constructive forces in
American negro life.

That Doctor Moton is inspired by Booker Wash-
ington’s spirit can be seen by the following character-
istic remarks uttered a short time ago. Addressing

BI-RACIALISM

291

a negro audience, Doctor Moton said: “I want to
give you some good advice. There are many things
we can learn from the white race, to our profit. A
member of the white race is never ashamed to admit
that he is a white man. I know one race that seems
to think that God cursed them when He made
them black. Don’t let anybody fool you into be-
lieving that God cursed the black race. Don’t feel
that you have to apologize to every man you meet
because you have got a black face.

“The white man can beat me at being a white
man, but I can beat liim at being a negro. I am
proud of my race. There is no race in liistory that
has made as much progress in the last sixty years as
we have made. Don’t be ashamed of your race.
Everybody respects an American because Americans
believe in America. To respect your own race
means that you will get respect from other races.
If we do not respect ourselves we can be sure that
other people won’t respect us. Self-respect begets
self-respect. Let’s show the white race that we be-
lieve in ourselves.”*

Self-respect and a frank facing of realities increas-
ingly characterize the more able and intelligent
negroes of the South. If the negro population were
not continually stirred up by Northern radical prop-
aganda, it is probable that the best elements of
both races would by this time have evolved a stable
basis for the adjustment of race-relations. Sensible
moderates like Doctor Moton realize that race-
separation is not an abnormal fiat arbitrarily im-

* Quoted from The Negro Year-Book for 1925-26, p. 76.

292

RE-FORGING AMERICA

posed, but that it is a social phenomenon produced
by the co-existence of two widely different races on
the same territory. The natural instinct which so-
ciologists term “consciousness of kind,” and which
appears in animals as well as in man, inevitably tends
to make each type flock by itself, and normally causes
it to find greater satisfaction in association with its
fellows. Thus, intelligent Southern negroes accept
race-separation, not merely as a necessity or as a
helpful method of averting social friction, but also
as the wisest and best arrangement for both races
in the long run. Therefore they do not object on
principle to legal measures of segregation, but require
only that such measures shall apply equally, and
shall not be unfairly or humiliatingly administered.
For example: they do not object to separate negro
schools. What they ask is that negro schools shall
be good and adequate. Again, they do not denounce
separate railway coaches, but do criticise the lack
of Pullman and dining-car facilities. If existing dis-
criminations in such matters were fairly adjusted,
the policy of race-segregation would be genuinely
accepted by the most influential elements of South-
ern negrodom.

The very real advantages to be gained by a sepa-
rate race-life become clear when we consider what
the negro has already gained by his tacit acceptance
of race-segregation in the South. If the Southern
negroes had followed radical counsels and had stub-
bornly rebelled against the color-line, they would
either have been long since crushed in a hopeless
race-war or would to-day be vegetating in general

BI-RACIALISM

293

misery. By accepting the situation and making the
most of their opportunities, a considerable section of
the race has risen to material well-being and has
evolved a satisfactory group-life. Booker Washing-
ton saw this clearly when he wrote: “The division
of the races is an advantage to us as a people, in so
far as it permits us to become the teachers of our own
people. No better discipline can be given to a peo-
ple than that which they gain by being their own
teachers. They can have no greater opportunity
than that of developing within themselves the ideals
and the leadership which are to make them not
merely in law, but in fact, the masters of their own
fortunes .” 3

On the larger aspects of the subject, Dowd makes
some very pertinent comments. “What would hap-
pen to the negroes in the South,” he writes, “if
they were not segregated? They would have to
compete in every occupation with the whites; they
would find the door of opportunity practically closed
to them in all the higher walks of life. It would
rarely happen that a negro could secure a position
as teacher in a school, as pastor of a church, or as
editor of a paper. There would be no negro doctors,
dentists, lawyers, actors, or singers. Even in the
unskilled trades they would have to compete with
the white man.

“What does the negro gain by segregation? He
finds in the South a large field of employment open
to him with little or no competition from the whites.
In other words, segregation enables him to lead an

* Washington, Booker T.: The American Negro of To-day, p. 67.

294

RE-FORGING AMERICA

easier and less strenuous existence, which insures
to him a diminishing death-rate and a higher birth-
rate; also it enables him to resist the downward
pressure into poverty, vice, and crime. Above all,
segregation builds up co-operation and race-pride,
and, by diminishing the incentive to imitate the
whites, tends to bring out in the race its special
aptitudes and geniuses. The progress of mankind
can be best advanced by each race’s developing the
genius and culture peculiar to it instead of striving
to imitate another.

“Segregation enables the negro to find among his
own people as many opportunities in the higher
walks of life as are found among the wliite people.
He may be a merchant, banker, doctor, lawyer, den-
tist, school-teacher, college president, pastor of a
church, editor of a paper, actor, musician, officer in
a lodge, and so forth. In many Southern States
there are more negroes holding high positions in pro-
fessional life than in the entire territory of Brazil,
where segregation has largely broken down as a re-
sult of racial intermixture .” 4

Furthermore, wise negro leaders realize that a
stable adjustment of race-relations based on mutual
good-will is necessary in order to give the still back-
ward negro masses a chance in the increasingly
strenuous competition of American life. Such lead-
ers know that the time is coming when there will
be a white man or woman available for every job
in the land. When that time comes, the average
negro will need not only to be efficient enough to

Dowd, op. cit., pp. 475-476.

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295

hold a job but well-liked enough to get a job at all.
Thus, friendly relations with their white neighbors
will become more, rather than less, important to the
negro as time goes on.

Nothing is more significant than the way negro
public opinion in the South not only tends to accept
social segregation, but also positively dislikes the
very idea of racial amalgamation. Having built up
a satisfactory group-existence, Southern negrodom
is increasingly content to lead its own race-life. In-
deed, throughout the United States, North as well
as South, racial intermixture is to-day decidedly on
the wane. This is true of both legal and extra-
legal contacts. Even in the North, where marriage
between whites and negroes is legally possible, such
unions (always infrequent) are now very rare.
Mostly between the lowest elements of both races,
these marriages almost invariably lead to tragic
consequences. The few inter-racial marriages which
have occurred between educated persons have been
perhaps the most tragic of all, because both parties
have been promptly ostracised alike by reputable
whites and negroes, and they have therefore become
outcasts, cut off from social standing of any kind.

Legal marriage has, of course, always been a negli-
gible factor in racial intermixture. The chief factors
have been extra-legal concubinage and casual sex-
relations between negro w’omen and white men,
usually termed “miscegenation.” Now the interest-
ing fact is that miscegenation is also rapidly de-
creasing. It has, indeed, been decreasing steadily
for the past fifty years. The patriarchal situation

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under slavery and the free-and-easy conditions after
emancipation, which favored miscegenation, have
disappeared. Except in a few rural backwaters of
the South, where old customs persist, cohabitation
with colored girls is considered disgraceful by white
public opinion. No white man who values the re-
spect of his community can afford to let such conduct
be known. And among respectable negro circles,
likewise, the birth of a mulatto baby by a white
father is considered a misfortune and a disgrace.
Most miscegenation at present takes the form of
casual sex-contacts, in the cities and towns, between
debauched colored women and vicious white men.
Obviously, factors like venereal disease and abortion
render the number of children from such sources com-
paratively few. Therefore, it seems clear that race-
mixture in America is falling to relatively minor
proportions. On this matter, it may be interesting
to note that the same thing is occurring in South
Africa, which has a color-problem very similar to
our own. In South Africa miscegenation, once wide-
spread under the patriarchal conditions of Boer
slavery, has now almost ceased.

The momentous importance of all this is surely
obvious. If the influx of white blood into the negro
population stops (as it has to-day apparently almost
stopped) the whole nature of the race-question will
gradually change — and change for the better. What
principally embitters race-relations is the mulatto.
It is the mulatto who is the explosive element in the
race-problem, because it is he who longs for “social
equality” and amalgamation with the white race,

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297

to which he is partly allied in blood. We have al-
ready seen that the Northern radical movement is
essentially a mulatto movement. A certain num-
ber of full-blooded negroes are found in the radical
camp, but it is a significant fact that many of them
are actuated more by economic than by racial con-
siderations.

The genuine negro realizes that he is different
from the white man and is usually content with the
society of his fellows. Naturally easy-going and
good-natured, the negro rarely harbors bitterness
over abstract matters like “social equality.” If he
is fairly treated and enjoys a moderate share of the
good things of life, he is certainly not likely of his
own accord to risk present well-being by dubious
and dangerous efforts to gain theoretical “rights.”

However, as already remarked, the negro is highly
emotional and easily swayed by crowd-contagion.
This is why the character of his leaders is so im-
portant. Skilful mulatto agitators can sw’eep im-
pressionable negroes off their feet and get them to
do things which they themselves would never think
of doing. As a recent writer well says: “Our col-
ored population may be likened to a huge mass of
high explosive — a product composed of a compara-
tively inert ingredient mixed with a small amount of
highly explosive ‘sensitizing agent/ the detonation
of which causes a violent explosion of the far larger
mass of the normally non-explosive ingredient. And
the explosive element of the race-problem dynamite
is the mulatto .” 5

‘Gregg, W. W.: “The Mulatto — Crux of the Negro Problem,” Current
History, March, 1924.

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Since the mulatto, and especially the light mu-
latto, is the real challenger of the color-line, any dim-
inution in his numbers, while it might not make
much immediate difference, would profoundly ease
race-tension as time went on. And the weight of
evidence clearly indicates that light mulattoes are
rapidly decreasing. On this point the census figures
are especially revealing. These figures admittedly
indicate only roughly the proportion of w’hite blood
in the entire colored population, since many dark
mulattoes are classed as full-blooded negroes. But
the census returns do give us a good idea of the
number of mulattoes with one-half or more than one-
half of white blood. Up to the census of 1910, the
number of mulattoes steadily increased. In that
year, 2,151,000 persons were enumerated as mu-
lattoes — nearly 21 per cent of the entire colored
population. But the census of 1920 showed only
1,660,000 mulattoes — an absolute decrease of nearly
500,000, and a relative decrease to 15.9 per cent of
the total colored population. Whatever their minor
inaccuracies, these figures undoubtedly portray the
general trend. In this connection, the author may
remark that when he visited Tuskegee last year he
noted the relative scarcity of light mulattoes among
the student body, drawn as it is from all parts of the
South. One of the older members of the faculty in-
formed the author that the proportion of light mu-
latto students had been diminishing for years, and
was markedly less than it had been a decade before.

The decrease of light mulattoes in the colored
population is due not merely to lessening miscegena-

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299

tion but also to the fact that light-mulatto families
average fewer children than darker mulattoes and
negroes. This may be partly caused by relative
infertility, as has been often alleged; but it is also
caused by social reasons. Light mulattoes are most
attracted by city life and are most apt to imitate
white living-standards. Such persons likewise feel
their anomalous racial status so keenly that they
often do not care to bring children into the world.
As a result of all these factors light mulattoes are
to-day rapidly decreasing, and everything indicates
that this decrease will continue.

On the other hand, the number of dark mulattoes
is probably increasing through intermarriage or co-
habitation between mulattoes and negroes. If this
process continues at its present rate, the colored
population may ultimately come to consist mainly
of dark mulattoes, with relatively few full-blooded
negroes, and with almost no mulattoes of the lighter
shades. This would, however, ease race-tension
almost as much as if the colored population were
pure black, because dark mulattoes usually have the
negro temperament, and are so clearly differentiated
from the whites that they rarely feel the “near-white”
mulatto’s keen desire to cross the color-line.

Another hopeful aspect is the fact that not even
the light mulattoes arc a unit in bitterness and stub-
born hostility to racial separation. Taken as a
whole, the Southern mulattoes do not share the radi-
cal ideas of their Northern fellows. Under slavery
the Southern mulattoes were the aristocracy of
negrodom, and evolved a group-life of their own

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which satisfied their social desires. This situation
still persists in many parts of the South. In con-
servative Southern cities like Charleston and Savan-
nah, the light mulattoes form a social caste which
holds itself apart from the rest of the colored pop-
ulation. In New Orleans, especially, mulatto soci-
ety is highly complex, with various grades which
are carefully maintained. This caste arrangement,
which was general before the Civil War, did not
favor the interests of the colored population as a
whole, since it made the mulattoes indifferent to the
lot of the negroes and created jealous antagonism
between the two elements. But it certainly did ease
race-tension, because it gave the light mulattoes a
satisfying social status and thus lulled their instinc-
tive discontent at the color-line.

Reconstruction threw the Southern mulattoes into
profound mental and emotional confusion. They
listened eagerly to the doctrines of social equality
and amalgamation preached by Northern white and
mulatto radicals, and for a while most light mulat-
toes actually hoped to cross the color-line and escape
further connection with the negroes, whom they se-
cretly or openly despised. But the collapse of
Reconstruction showed the Southern mulattoes that
this was impossible. There followed a most painful
period of disillusionment and readjustment. Some
mulattoes went North in despairing rage. Others,
though remaining in the South, never really accepted
the situation and continued to eat their hearts out
in vain bitterness. This type of mulatto to-day
heads the Southern radical element which is in close

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301

touch with the Northern radicals and which goes as
far as it dares in fomenting race-friction and spread-
ing radical propaganda.

The Southern radical group is, however, relatively
small. Most Southern mulattoes have either fallen
back on the old caste status, finding thereby a
measure of social satisfaction for their balked racial
desires; or, throwing in their lot with the negroes,
they seek material advancement and social prestige
within the larger group-life of the colored race.
Booker Washington is the outstanding example of
this latter type of mulatto, and his attitude has had
a profound effect in w’elding the different elements of
the colored population. Most Southern mulattoes
to-day consider themselves members of the “negro
race.” They live inside negrodom and have defi-
nitely merged themselves with the negroes for mutual
advancement and common aims. Renouncing their
former dream of crossing the color-line, these mu-
lattoes have found present contentment and a satis-
fying future. Their social and psychological status
being fixed, disillusionment and bitterness have
faded, and they are usually as averse to radical in-
citements as are moderate-minded negroes.

The Northern mulattoes thus remain, to-day as
formerly, the core of the radical movement. Their
bitter, fanatical temper is due chiefly to their social
and intellectual past. The Northern mulattoes
have never enjoyed a real group-life of their own.
Too few in numbers to form a w r ell-established so-
ciety like that of their Southern fellows, their early
conversion to the extreme Abolitionist doctrine of

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race-amalgamation made it psychologically impossi-
ble for them to desire to form one. How could they
put forth social roots when their hope was to lose
their identity by merging themselves with the white
world ?

But this hope was vain, because the white North
refused to receive them, as uncompromisingly as did
the white South. In the North, the color-line was
drawn differently; but it was drawn hard and fast,
just the same. The Civil War made no real change
in the situation. The radical Republicans of the
Reconstruction period, like the extreme Abolition-
ists before the war, were a mere handful — and even
these white radicals did not practise what they
preached, since, with a few’ rare exceptions, they re-
fused to permit racial intermarriage within the circle
of their own families.

Thus, for a whole century, the Northern mulattoes
have been leading a most unhappy and uncertain
existence. They have been literally suspended in a
vacuum, allied to both races, yet really belonging to
neither. The Northern mulattoes refuse to be ne-
groes and cannot be whites. The upshot is a tragic
sense of loneliness and isolation which causes the
pessimistic, despairing note so often voiced by
Northern mulattoes and perhaps best exemplified by
the earlier writings of Doctor Dubois, with their
anguished cry from “behind the veil.” Unhappier
than the traditional “man without a country,” the
Northern mulatto feels himself a man without a
race. It is this morbid psychosis which largely ac-
counts alike for the Northern mulatto’s despairing

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303

bitterness and for his fanatical determination to
smash the color-line. His entire outlook on life re-
veals an abnormal attitude which is not found else-
w’here in our colored population.

This morbid introspection and intense preoccu-
pation with their own special status accounts for a
fact which wn noted at the very opening of this chap-
ter — the distorted unreality with w r hich Northern
radicals (mostly mulattoes) view the whole race-
problem. Such radicals may pose as champions of
the negro race and may be careful to call themselves
“negroes.” Yet even a slight knowledge of facts
will enable the reader of Northern radical literature
to discern that these propagandists are thinking in
terms of a special problem — the de-racialized mulatto
— and that they are seeking to use the negro masses
for mulatto ends. Many of these Northern radi-
cals hardly know the South at first hand and have
never come in genuine contact with the negro masses
— whom they secretly despise as inferiors. North-
ern mulattoes who have actually gone South and
mingled with negro life have often been frightfully
disillusioned. One of the most pessimistic books
ever written about the negro is from the pen of an
educated Northern mulatto 6 who went South to be
a leader of his people and returned North to frame
against them an indictment of a most sweeping and
scathing character.

The attitude and agitation of the Northern mu-
lattoes are resented by many negroes and by many
Southern mulattoes as well. The Northern radicals

4 Thomas, W. Hannibal: The American Negro.

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who arc forever bemoaning their fate and inveighing
against the color-line are often termed hate-to-be-
negroes by other members of their race. Indeed,
some negro radicals, though working along the same
general lines as the mulatto radicals, object strongly
to mulatto assumptions of superiority and assert
that the genuine negro, rather than the mulatto, best
knows what the black race should do and is best
fitted for leadership. One well-known negro radical
exclaims: “We, whose brains are still unbastardized,
must face the frank realities of this situation of racial
conflict and competition.” 7 Marcus Garvey’s “Pan-
African” movement is exclusively a negro movement,
and is frankly anti-mulatto.

Here, again, the general trend seems to indicate
that in the future the de-racialized mulatto radical
will not be as influential as he is to-day or has been
in the past. As already stated, light mulattoes are
decreasing in number. Furthermore, the recent
Northward migration, while temporarily strength-
ening radicalism, should ultimately weaken it by so
expanding the Northern colored population that it
can evolve a socially satisfying group-life like that
of the South. Under such circumstances, the North-
ern mulattoes would tend more and more to merge
themselves with the rest of the colored population,
thereby losing their isolation-psychosis and the bitter
passions which it engenders.

Our survey of the deeper trends of the race-problem
thus leads us to decidedly optimistic conclusions.
The color-line works so effectively that miscegena-

7 Harrison, Hubert H.: When Africa Awakes, p, 46 (1920).

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305

tion is rapidly decreasing and should soon become
negligible. The policy of race-segregation is being
steadily confirmed and is no longer objected to on
principle by a large section of the negro population.
Lastly, the Southern majority of the colored popu-
lation has evolved so satisfactory a group-life that
it is becoming indifferent to radical agitation.

Yet such trends, however hopeful for the future,
should not blind us to dangerous possibilities of the
present. While race-relations in the South are
steadily improving, radicalism is growing among the
newly transplanted negro masses in the industrial
centres of the North. In the previous chapter we
analyzed the present radical movement and saw that
it was not merely a local growth but that it was also
being cleverly fostered by Bolshevik and other in-
fluences of the most sinister kind. The Northern
negro population must to-day number fully 2,000,000,
and is still increasing by migration from the South
and, to a lesser extent, by immigration from abroad.
The great negro quarters of New York, Chicago, and
other Northern cities are caldrons seething with
ideas and emotions which, by the power of mass-
contagion, may engender sudden and startling de-
velopments. The American negro is passing through
a critical transition stage of awakening self-conscious-
ness, which may turn out for good or for ill.

All this makes it higlily necessary that the best
minds of both races should meet frankly and evolve
a programme of racial adjustment soundly based on
facts, and capable of handling critical situations.
Fortunately, such a process of conscious race-adjust-

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RE-FORGING AMERICA

ment has already begun in the South. Let us see
what has been accomplished and how it may be
extended and amplified.

The movement for bettering race-relations by or-
ganized effort began shortly before the Great War,
through agencies like the Southern Sociological
Congress, the University Commission on South-
ern Race-Problems, and the study-groups of the
Y. M. C. A These agencies included many emi-
nent whites and negroes, emphasis being laid on
the study of facts. The idea was, not to attempt
any immediate formulation of “solutions,” but to
analyze the material and psychological factors in-
volved, thus laying a firm basis of ascertained knowl-
edge and developing a truly scientific approach to
the larger problems of racial adjustment.

The war temporarily interrupted these investiga-
tions, while the wave of unrest and race-friction
which followed the war temporarily worsened the
racial situation. But the very crisis which had
arisen revealed the necessity for further action.
The terrible urban riots in the North, the wide-
spread disturbances in the South, and the general
growth of negro radicalism acted like a stimulating
challenge to the best minds of both races.

Accordingly, in the year 1919, a general confer-
ence was held at Atlanta, Georgia, attended by rep-
resentative whites and negroes from all parts of the
South. The conference resulted in the establish-
ment of the celebrated Commission on Inter-Racial
Co-operation. Tliis Commission is a permanent
organization with headquarters at Atlanta, which

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307

directs and co-ordinates the efforts of State and local
committees functioning all over the South. The
organization has proved a great success. To-day
over 800 county committees, composed equally of
whites and negroes, are on the job improving race-
relations. The idea is to tackle trouble at the start
— not merely before it gets acute, but almost before
it begins. Furthermore, the Commission deals with
larger aspects of race-relations like schools, public
health, slum conditions, and so forth. The negro
representatives are able to state what they consider
to be legitimate grievances on specific points and
can discuss matters with their white colleagues in a
friendly, open-minded way. Theoretical, contro-
versial issues are taboo. The system of racial segre-
gation is tacitly accepted by both sides as axiomatic,
their joint efforts being directed to a practical better-
ment of conditions within the bounds of the existing
social order.

Another harmonizing factor is the excellent work
which is being done by Southern women in pro-
moting better race-relations. Numerous women’s
organizations, white and colored, have established
helpful contacts with one another, and are co-oper-
ating on questions of mutual interest such as educa-
tion, child-welfare, and public health. Here, also,
controversial topics arc excluded by mutual consent.

The combined effect of all these conciliatory agen-
cies is enormous. In the first place, it creates a
general atmosphere of friendliness and sympathetic
understanding which is the prerequisite of real prog-
ress in racial adjustment. Of course, the individual

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contacts of whites and negroes have always been,
on the average, much more amicable than outsiders
imagine. Except as between their rougher elements,
the individual members of both races ordinarily dis-
play instinctive tact and good manners toward one
another. If this were not so, racial friction would
everywhere be acute and conditions would be in-
tolerable.

What the organized agencies for racial co-operation
are doing is to mobilize all this diffused good-will for
community service. They also impress upon indi-
viduals the importance of their individual attitude
and conduct on community life. Throughout the
South innumerable whites and negroes are realizing
as never before what a rich harvest they will reap,
individually and collectively, by ordinary tact, con-
sideration, and fair dealing, in even their most casual
relations. A rude word or a harsh look, where
wholly uncalled for, may do lasting harm. This,
by the way, is a point which needs to be emphasized
in the North even more than in the South. The
average white Southerner instinctively knows how
to get along with negroes much better than North-
erners do, and the negro just as instinctively senses
the wliite man’s feeling toward him. The negro
normally respects and likes “quality folks.” What
riles him is the attitude of the low-class white, with-
out breeding or good manners, whom the negro
(quite rightly) does not respect.

Yet here again outsiders must not think that
“white trash” can treat negroes as they like. The
better-class Southern whites have always looked out

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309

for respectable, well-meaning negroes. Anybody
who wantonly picks on a “good negro” in the South
is usually stopped in short order by other white
men. The ‘”bad” negro or the radical agitator, who
tries to “start something,” finds trouble — and plenty
of it. But the unoffending negro is rarely mis-
handled, and when he is, he usually gets justice from
the white authorities.

What the South needs, therefore, is chiefly a bet-
ter enforcement by the white community of good
manners toward the negro on the part of low-class
whites, thereby avoiding most of those needless af-
fronts which, however petty in themselves, are, as
Doctor Moton well says, “gravels in the negro’s
shoe, small in size, but capable of inflicting great
discomfort and impeding progress.”

Another great service rendered by organized agen-
cies for inter-racial co-operation is their bridging of
the psychological gulf which opened between the
races after the Civil War. In slavery times the races
were in close touch and understood one another.
After emancipation, the races drew steadily apart,
especially at their higher levels. Social relations, in
the ordinary sense of the word, being impossible,
educated whites and negroes could not meet, and
each group was therefore almost totally ignorant of
the other’s attitude. The various inter-racial organ-
izations which have been established now permit
the best minds of both races to meet, exchange ideas,
and understand respective viewpoints, in an atmos-
phere free from embarrassment or constraint. Thus,
while racial segregation keeps the races apart on their

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RE-FORGING AMERICA

harmful lower levels, organized co-operation is draw-
ing the races together on the helpful higher levels,
for mutual service and without engendering social
friction or rousing racial ill-feeling. Indeed, doubt-
ing Thomases of both races are being clearly shown
that mutual respect, good-will, and genuine under-
standing are entirely consistent with the policy of
racial segregation.

The basis of inter-racial co-operation has been so
soundly laid that the time has come for a further
step. The best minds of both races should attempt
to arrive at a frank understanding about the funda-
mental question of racial relations, and should try
to formulate a definite policy which will have their
mutual assent and support. This can best be begun
in the South, but it should eventually be extended
to the North, so that throughout the country there
will be a general agreement on aims and methods.

Of course, we do not mean that a programme should
be forthwith launched, complete in all its details.
But we do mean that a definite beginning should be
made; because, although race-relations are to-day
unusually good in the South, negro radicalism is
dangerously active in the North, and is exerting
ominous subterranean pressure on the negro popula-
tion of the South as well. Beneath a seemingly fair
surface, explosive factors are at work. The favor-
able conditions now prevailing should therefore be
constructively employed.

Now, the only policy which seems to have a chance
of success is that which may best be termed Bi-
Racialism — a parallel evolution of white and negro

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311

race-fives, biologically distinct, yet bound together
by mutual interests and co-operating amicably for
common ends. To enlist the support of the best
elements of both races for an equitable bi-racial s} r s-
tem, mutual concessions will be needed. Yet, pro-
vided the two groups agree on the basic principle of
race-separation, such a system can be worked out
with fairness to both.

First of all, let us see what bi-racialism is not.
Bi-racialism is not discrimination; it is separation.
Bi-racialism does not imply relative “superiority”
or “inferiority”; it is based on the self-evident fact
of difference. No sensible person can deny that the
negro and the white man do differ widely, not only
in physical appearance but also in temperament and
outlook. Those negroes who believe in their race
should not object on principle to an arrangement
which would permit the American negro to remain
himself and develop his special aptitudes. The
formula of difference surely offers a common ground
on which negroes and whites can meet without loss
of self-respect and without raising controversial issues
of merit or demerit in regard to which individuals of
either race may entertain varying opinions.

Furthermore, bi-racialism is not caste. The two
systems should be sharply distinguished from one
another. Caste stratifies the population in hori-
zontal layers, thereby preventing individuals from
rising in the social and economic scale. Under shiv-
ery, the negroes were a lower caste. The Northern
mulattoes are still virtually a caste, debarred in
practice from a satisfactory economic or social status.

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On the other hand, the colored population of the
South already enjoys a rudimentary form of bi-
racialism, under which individuals can rise freely to
high economic and social levels. Unlike caste, there-
fore, bi-racialism draws one vertical line through
society, from top to bottom, and then allows indi-
viduals to rise as high as their talents will take them,
on their side of the line.

Our survey of the way racial segregation has un-
doubtedly benefited the colored population of the
South, by enabling them to develop a satisfying
group-life and to give their talented members a wide
range of opportunity, shows what the negro has al-
ready gained by a rudimentary, tacit form of bi-
racialism. The drawbacks to the present situation
are due chiefly to the fact that bi-racialism is as yet
unacknowledged and incomplete. Under a per-
fected bi-racial system, the line separating the races
would be straight and logical. The present situa-
tion is partly a bi-racial and partly a caste arrange-
ment. Politically, for instance, the fine to-day runs
horizontally, the Southern negroes being, in that
particular respect, a disfranchised caste. Again,
some of the legal and customary measures of segre-
gation are framed or administered with an emphasis
wliich would be uncalled for under a stable bi-racial
system genuinely agreed to by both races. If the
negro will consent unreservedly to the bi-racial prin-
ciple, he will find that most existing anomalies can
be rectified by the cordial co-operation of his white
neighbors.

Every negro should ask himself one searching

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313

question: What docs he really want f Does he desire
fuller and freer opportunities for self-development
within his own group-life, aided thereto by the good-
will and assistance of the whites? Or does he, after
all, crave social equality and racial amalgamation?
One thing is certain: he cannot have both these
alternatives.

Furthermore, until the bi-racial principle has been
so firmly established that the white man feels a
sense of genuine security for the maintenance of his
race-integrity, the negro cannot enjoy the full bene-
fits of bi-racialism. Therefore every negro w’ho
recognizes that bi-racialism is sound and is advan-
tageous to himself should not merely give it his pas-
sive assent but should work actively for its definite
establishment. Some negro leaders are to-day ready
to take the step, but their position is a delicate one.
The emotional legacy of the past is strong, and radi-
cal agitators continually strive to discredit moderate
spokesmen by emotional harangues accusing the
moderates of “selling out to the whites.” All in-
telligent negroes should resist the emotional incite-
ments of radical propagandists by frankly facing
facts.

Every sensible negro ought to realize that white
America, North and South, is unalterably opposed
to race-amalgamation. And the reason why this
opposition is unalterable is because it is based, not
upon the doctrine of white race-superiority, but upon
the unchangeable fact of race-difference. The negro
should recognize that the problem of black and
white is only one phase of a much larger problem —

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the relations of all the primary races of mankind.
For instance: white Americans do not usually be-
lieve Chinese and Japanese to be racially their in-
feriors. ^ et the very persons who cordially admire
Orientals for their capacities and achievements are
firmly opposed to intermarriage with them. Every
Western State which contains a coasiderable Oriental
clement in its population has laws prohibiting the
marriage of Orientals and whites, while custom am-
plifies law by drawing a definite color-line. There-
fore, even if the negro should make such econom-
ic and cultural progress as to definitely disprove
present ideas about his innate inferiority, the sit-
uation would be basically unchanged. The negro
would still be racially so different that white America
would continue to feel that it must preserve its race-
identity, which it regards as an infinitely precious
heritage. In fact, every attack on the color-line
merely results in its being made stricter and harsher,
and hinders the trend toward inter-racial co-opera-
tion.

Unless the American negro wishes to embark on
a desperate gamble in which the odds against him
are practically hopeless, his only alternative is a
genuine understanding with white America. And
the logical culmination of such an understanding is
bi-racialism. Forward-looking negroes should re-
member that under a bi-racial system their perfect-
group-life would be so increasingly satisfying
that they would feel less and less desire to lose their
identity through amalgamation with the white
world. The desire to-day felt by many educated

BI-RACIALISM

315

colored persons for “social equality” is largely due
to the fact that they do not find adequate social and
cultural associates within their own group. The
negro’s cultural advancement under the favoring
conditions of a stable bi-racial system would soon
do away with such balked emotions. Culture solidi-
fies races, intensifies racial self-respect, and stim-
ulates race-pride in the best sense of the word. It
is because the white man possesses a wealth of cul-
tural achievement and tradition that he prizes so
highly and guards so jealously his racial identity.
To term this deep-seated instinct of racial self-
preservation mere “race-prejudice” is nonsense.
What the negro should do is frankly to respect the
white man’s feeling as a natural and legitimate atti-
tude, and then so cultivate his own capacities that
he will evolve a race-life which he will want to pro-
tect. When the negro does that, he need not bother
about amalgamation or inferiority; because these
matters will have settled themselves. The negro
will no longer want to amalgamate, and the white
man will accord him full respect.

Thus far we have been considering how bi-racialism
would affect the negro, and why intelligent negroes
who accept the idea should work actively for its
establishment. Now let us look at the matter from
the white man’s point of view. Here, fortunately,
we find no serious obstacles to enlisting the hearty
support of the best white elements. Nevertheless,
we must realize that, on the white side also, much
must be done. The entire legal and customary code
of race-segregation should be thoroughly overhauled,

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RE-FORGING AMERICA

so as to minimize friction in every feasible way.
Certainly, the policy must be purged of every taint
of discrimination. Negro schools must be adequate;
negro travelling accommodations must be good;
negro sections of cities and towns must have satis-
factory municipal improvements. All this will re-
quire a vast outlay of money which will spell higher
tax-rates. But white men must realize that such
pecuniary sacrifices will be a cheap price to pay for
enduring inter- racial harmony. Unless the negro
recognizes that segregation is based upon fairness
and justice, and is in no sense a cloak for oppression
and exploitation, he will never assent to bi-racialism,
and segregation will remain a policy imposed by
one race and opposed by the other.

Assumin g that the forward-looking elements of
both races do agree in principle to bi-racialism, they
will still have a big job on their hands converting
the masses of their respective groups to a truly con-
structive attitude. Negro leaders will have to wean
their fellows from the emotional appeals of radical
propagandists, while white leaders will have to in-
stil good manners into low-class whites, and will
also have to fight white demagogues who preach
race-hatred. As previously stated, the establish-
ment of the bi-racial system should normally begin
in the South, but should be extended to the North
as rapidly as possible. In its application the system
will have to be extremely flexible, since conditions
vary widely in different parts of the country. In-
deed, attempts to elaborate details at the start should
be avoided, and specific applications of the bi-racial

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317

principle should usually be tested out by practical
experience. The current negro migration north-
ward, however, helps the general establishment of
bi-racialism, because the race-problem has ceased to
be a sectional matter. With its large negro popu-
lation, the North is coming to understand what the
race-question really means. Faced as it is with an
imperative need for adjusting race-relations, the
North will appreciate the significance of bi-racialism
as it otherwise could not do.

One of the first points in the bi-racial programme
to be established on a national scale is the general
legal prohibition of racial intermixture. Not merely
intermarriage but all sexual contacts between the
races should be legally forbidden under heavy penal-
ties in every State of the Union. This legal sanc-
tion of the color-line is necessary for the creation of
that sense of white security which is vital to inter-
racial harmony. A nation-wide ban against inter-
racial marriage would be no real loss to the negro,
since, even in those Northern States which now per-
mit it, marriage between negroes and whites is very
rare, is disapproved by most negroes, and almost
always ends tragically. As for sexual relations out-
side marriage, their legal prohibition under severe
penalties would tend to remove one of the grievances
to-day most strongly resented by negroes — the lack
of protection for respectable colored women against
the advances of vicious white men. To be sure,
such a law might be used by unscrupulous colored
women to extort blackmail. Yet in most cases the
white man who put himself in a compromising situa-

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tion would deserve little sympathy. On this whole
matter of miscegenation, the Southern white woman
can do much. As a voter, she can help put drastic
laws on the statute-book, while on the jury she can
see to it that offenders do not escape their just
deserts.

Perhaps the most thorny problem in the whole
field of racial adjustment Is that of politics. The
horrors of Reconstruction are still fresh in Southern
minds, and the relation of the negro to politics must
be very delicately handled, lest passions be aroused
which would bedevil the whole situation. Probably
not much can, or should, be attempted at present.
The South is certainly going about things in the
right way by first remedying specific economic and
social abuses, and by laying the bases of inter-racial
understanding, but going slow on ticklish political
matters. The negro is, of course, disfranchised in
the South, and has practically no voice in politics.
In one sense, though, things are better than they
were after Reconstruction, because negro disfran-
chisement is at least to-day accomplished by legal
means, whereas formerly it was done by violence and
fraud, which chronically inflamed racial passions.
This so lowered the tone of Southern politics that
better-class whites abandoned the political arena to
self-seeking party hacks and violent demagogues.
With legal stabilization, the South’s political tone
has improved. The caliber of present-day Southern
political leaders is vastly improved.

The key-note of Southern political life is white
supremacy. And its legalized status has certainly

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319

had much to do with the remarkable material prog-
ress of the last generation, which has resulted in
“The New South.” Political stability, social secur-
ity, economic prosperity, and cultural advancement
have interacted happily, and have benefited the
colored as well as the white population.

Nevertheless, the steady rise of the colored people
in education and material well-being will eventually
necessitate changes in the present political situation.
Sooner or later the intelligent, progressive elements
of the colored population must have some way of
participating in political life, or a very dangerous
state of tension will ensue. Forward-looking wliites
and negroes should, therefore, face facts and try to
find a practicable way out of the difficulty.

One point, however, might as well be understood
at the start: white supremacy must be safeguarded.
The white South will never submit to negro rule —
open or disguised. All theoretical arguments on this
matter are mere waste of breath, since they ignore
basic realities. On this point Dowd hits the nail on
the head when he writes: “Experience has shown
that both races cannot govern jointly in those (the
Southern) States. The white people believe that
they are better able to govern than the negro, and
are determined to do it. They propose to do it by
some lawful means and have adopted lawful means
of doing it. If every negro in South Carolina and
Mississippi could read and write and understand all
the constitutions in the world, the white people would
not allow them to control their governments, and in
this respect they are not different from the white

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people of any other State. If a majority of the
people of California were Japanese, the fact that
they could read and understand would not have a
feather’s weight against the determination of the
white people to govern that State at all hazards.
Or, if a majority of the people of Massachusetts were
negroes, the whites of that State would no more
submit to negro rule than the people of South Caro-
lina or Mississippi. They would prefer to retain
white supremacy by some lawful expedient, but if
that did not work they would control it by any ex-
pedient that would work. Save by force of arms, no
colored race is ever going to govern any State in
this republic. This fact is fimdamental to any dis-
cussion of the negro problem.” 8
Offhand, it might seem as though we were facing
a hopeless dilemma. Yet here, again, bi-racialism
suggests encouraging possibilities. Since negroes
and whites cannot be thrown together politically in
anything like equal numbers without causing intol-
erable friction, the obvious alternative is to segregate
them politically as they are segregated socially.
Other countries, notably Austria and New Zealand,
have already tried political segregation with bene-
ficial results. These nations have instituted the
system known as “curial voting,” by which different
racial groups are assigned a certain definite ratio of
local offices and parliamentary seats. What indi-
viduals shall fill these offices depends on the verdict
of the respective racial groups, who divide into par-
ties and have political campaigns inside their group-

s Dowd, op. cil., pp. 107-108.

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321

borders, just as we Americans now have our primary
contests inside party lines. If such a system should
be established in the South, the negro population
of each State would be assigned a certain proportion
of local offices and legislative seats.® Thereafter,
the negroes could divide into parties, enjoy all the
thrills of political campaigning, and get as much
political experience as their white fellow citizens,
without in the least changing the ratio of white and
colored office-holders and legislators. This is to-
day done in New Zealand, where the native Maori
element is politically segregated from the white
population. The system would not conflict with
the Fifteenth Amendment, because its racial effects
would be mutual: a white man could no more vote
for a negro than a negro could vote for a white can-
didate. How, then, would this differ from our pres-
ent primary system, where a voter must register
either as a Democrat or a Republican, and can vote
only for the primary in wliich he is registered ?

Understand: curial voting is not advanced as a
panacea for the South’s political ills. It is merely
cited as a suggestion to indicate how the political
situation dovetails into the general racial situation,
and how bi-racialism may be applied to politics as to
other phases of race-relations.

In this whole subject of race-relations we must
avoid the seductive lure of plausible “solutions.”
About the worst way to try and “solve” a problem
is to impose a mechanical device, no matter how in-
genious, which disregards facts and popular senti-

9 The apportionment need not be on a basis of population.

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RE-FORGING AMERICA

ment. “Reconstruction” is a classic example of the

tragic results of that method.

The great thing in apparent dilemmas is to get
the best minds of both sides to meet, study the
facts, and try to reach some general agreement on
the basic realities of the situation. Given a friendly
atmosphere and a genuine desire to get somewhere,
it is surprising how constructive ideas develop and
how practical methods are invented which nobody
had thought of before. If intelligent men can only
agree as to where they want to go, and then want to
hard enough,. they are apt to get there— somehow.

That is the way in which the whole question of
race-relations ought to be approached. Racial ad-
justment should be visualized, not as a programme
but as a process, evolving normally as the joint
product of the wisdom, foresight, and common sense
of the best elements on both sides. And bi-racialism
seems to be the only policy which offers a real chance
for stable and amicable race-relations.

Yet we should frankly realize that bi-racialism is
not a perfect “solution.” Even at best, it will not
entirely eliminate race-friction, though it should re-
duce it to a minimum and thus exorcise the dread
spectre of race-war. Again, bi-racialism implies a
partial renunciation of the ideal of national unity.
Its justification lies in the fact that it safeguards
white race-integrity, which nearly all white Ameri-
cans believe to be the sole basis for any national life

worth having. . .

Bi-racialism is frankly an experiment. Yet it is
an experiment which should be earnestly and loyally

BI-RACIALISM

323

undertaken by both races for a period long enough
to test out its practicability — say, one or two gen-
erations. For this, there are two reasons. The
more immediate reason is that, even if bi-racialism
should not prove to be permanently satisfactory, it
would at least give us social peace during the critical
decades which lie just ahead, in which the American
negro will awaken to full self-consciousness and will
attempt his economic and social adjustment to
American life. If social peace is not maintained,
and if the field is left open for radical extremists, the
negro will not have his chance to adapt himself to
American life, because there will probably be a racial
explosion that would almost certainly result in his
being either thrust down into a hopeless caste status
or forcibly expelled from America. If, however, so-
cial peace can be maintained for the next generation
or two, the negro will have a chance to adapt him-
self, and in the light of what will have happened,
the best minds of both races should then be in a
much better position to judge what had best be
done.

We have no desire to usurp the future; still less
to essay the r6le of prophet. Yet we may perhaps
suggest one possible eventuality — the ultimate colo-
nization of the American negro, either in his African
homeland, or in some other area outside the United
States. The idea is, of course, not new. The
present Republic of Liberia, on the west coast of
Africa, is the result of a colonization project under-
taken nearly a century ago. For generations many
eminent men, negroes as well as whites, have thought,

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and to-day think, that colonization is the only real
solution of our race-problem. Thomas Jefferson and
Abraham Lincoln, for instance, were firm believers
in colonization. At present a school of thought ex-
emplified by the “White America” movement 10
strongly urges that colonization be immediately un-
dertaken, while on the negro side Marcus Garvey’s
“Pan-African” movement proclaims that the negro
has no future in America, and asserts that his only
hope lies in a return to his ancestral home.

Now it may well be that something like this will
eventually take place. We have already seen that
the negro’s prospects in America are far from bright.
It is by no means certain that the bulk of the race
can adapt itself to the increasingly strenuous re-
quirements of American life. If this prove to be so,
the American negro may himself come to realize
that his only chance of survival lies in removal to
an environment more suited to his racial aptitudes,
especially since he is already the spiritual and cul-
tural leader of his race, and is thus fitted for lead-
ership among more backward African peoples.

Colonization should, therefore, be seriously pon-
dered, and should always be kept in mind as a pos-
sible solution. But at present it is scarcely a prac-
tical matter. Most negroes are to-day strongly
opposed to the idea, while white America is not pre-
pared to undertake the task and to undergo the pro-
found economic readjustment which the removal of
our great negro population would entail.

10 The thesis for immediate colonization is best stated by one of the
leaders of the “White America” movement, Earnest S. Cox, in hi3 book,
White America (1923).

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325

Bi-racialism thus appears to be the only feasible
policy for our time. It offers a hopeful modus vivendi
— a way of getting along together, which appeals to
sane idealism and gives adequate scope for the prac-
tical efforts of both races. Above all, if given a fair
trial, bi-racialism should insure social peace during
the American negro’s critical transition period of self-
discovery and self-realization.

.

.

…..Afterword

We either go to racial frankness, or to a racial war.

Volcanic lightning during an eruption in Iceland